CHAPTER 8
King’s Pleasure
While the scholars were busy with
the Bible, their royal patron was pursuing his usual
interests. Twice a week at Whitehall there were cockfights,
and in November of 1604 the king was much at Royston.
Royal visits were an expense hard
to be borne by the countryside so honored. One day a
favorite among the king’s hounds, Howler, was missing. The
next day in the field Howler came in among the rest of the
hounds. The king, glad of his return, spied a paper about
his neck: “Good Mr. Howler, we pray you speak to the King
(for he hears you every day and so doth he not us) that it
will please His Majesty to go back to London, for else the
country will be undone; all our provision is spent already,
and we are not able to entertain him longer.” Unperturbed by
this plain speaking from the local farmers who had to supply
his retinue. King James stayed on for a fortnight.
On December 4 the Earl of Worcester
wrote from Royston, “In the morning we are on horseback by
eight, and so continue in full career from the death of one
hare to another until four at night . . . five miles from
home.”
All this was while Bancroft was
taking office as Archbishop, and Lancelot Andrewes was
faithfully setting aside his days for “translation time.”
At the Christmas season, 1604, Sir
Philip Herbert married Lady Susan Vere in the king’s
presence. The bride and groom lodged in the council chamber
at Whitehall, where the king in shirt and nightgown
conducted a reveille matin before they were up, even lolling
on the bed. In such coarse doings James behaved as if the
Bible had no effect on him. Yet he continued to show
interest in the new translation and in time gave preferment
to the translators one by one.
The day before Twelfth Night, James
made young Prince Charles Duke of York. For Twelfth Night
there was Ben Jonson’s Masque of Blackness. The queen was
six months pregnant, but again she and her ladies, this time
with blackened faces and arms, appeared in the play with
their hair down and wore rich gauzy draperies which shocked
the guests. Courtiers in the masque were dressed as Moors,
riding sea horses and other frightful fishes. At the
banquet, guests so wildly assailed the king’s provisions
that tables and trestles went down before any could touch
the food, and jewels and gold chains were lost in the
scramble. The king joined in the gaming afterwards.
Such royal routs cost thousands of
pounds. The learned men who revised the Scriptures were,
meanwhile, getting nothing except their rooms and commons
while they were away from home. Weekly they returned on
horseback or afoot to their churches where they had to
conduct many a service. At the New Year those of them who
were bishops sent the king from ten to thirty pounds in
gold.
On February 8 there was a play, The
Fair Maid of Bristol, at Whitehall. Two weeks later the king
went to Newmarket, which was starting its long sporting
career in horse racing.
For the queen’s lying-in there was
much clamor about who should carry the white staff, hold the
back of the chair, keep the door, rock the cradle, and such
services, all more or less fixed by custom. The birth of the
princess was on April 8. She lived only a little over two
years.
Continuing their royal revels, on
June 3 the king and his party went again to the Lion’s
Tower. There they watched live cocks thrown to male and
female lions and torn to pieces. But when the keeper lowered
a live lamb into the cage, the lions merely sniffed at it
and let it alone. Alas, the lions had no real chance to lie
down with the lamb, for at this point the keepers lifted it
out safely.
Presumably the work of translation
continued peaceably amid the court activities in sports,
gaming, and amateur theatricals, but during the next year
one royal pastime inevitably disturbed the translators. This
was the visit of King James to Oxford, August 27, 1605.
Corpus Christi College has preserved the charge to heads of
houses over a month before this royal progress:
1. All doctors and graduates, scholars,
fellows and probationers to provide before the first day of
August next gowns, hood, and cape according to the statutes
of their houses and orders of the university, and that all
commoners and halliers do wear round caps, and colors and
fashions in their apparel as the statutes do provide.
2. That whosoever shall be seen by the
vice chancellor or protectors or other overseers appointed
by the delegates in the street or any public place, during
the King’s Majesty’s abode, otherwise apparelled than the
statutes of their houses or the university appoint for their
degree, shall presently forfeit ten pounds and suflEer
imprisonment at the discretion of the said officers, the
said forfeit to be levied by the vice chancellor or whom he
shall appoint.
3. That upon the day when the King
cometh, all graduates shall be ready at the ringing of St.
Maries bell to come in their habits and hoods according to
their degrees, and all scholars in their gowns and caps
shall stand quietly in such order as shall be appointed,
until his majesty be passed into Christ Church, and the
train being passed, every one may report to his own
college.
4. That all scholars, bachelors, and
masters do diligently frequent the ordinary lectures during
the time of his majesty’s abode.
5. That no scholar of what degree
soever presume to come upon the state in St. Maries, upon
pain of one month’s imprisonment and forty pounds fine, and
that no master of arts presume to come within the compass of
the rail or stage below, where the disputers sit, but with
his hood turned according to his degree, and none but
masters of arts and bachelors of law shall presume to come
into that place.
6. That the scholars which cannot be
admitted to see the plays do not make any outcries or
undecent noise about the hall, stairs, or within the
quadrangle of Christ Church, upon pain of present
imprisonment and any other punishment according to the
direction of the vice chancellor and proctors.
7. That they warn their companies to
provide verses to be disposed and set upon St. Maries, or to
other places convenient, and that those verses be corrected
by the deans or some others appointed by the head.
8. That a short oration be provided at
every house to entertain his majesty if his pleasure be to
visit the same, and verses set up.
9. That University College, All Souls,
and Magdalen College do set up verses at his majesty’s
departure, upon such places so as they may be seen as he
passeth by.
10. That the fellows and scholars of the
body of each house be called home and not permitted to go
abroad till after his majesty be gone from the university,
and that they may be at home by the first of August.
The vice-chancellor in charge of
all this was Dr. George Abbot, the translator for whom the
future promised so much. As acting head of Oxford he was to
collect the fines, see that there was a full turnout in
fancy dress, and make sure that no wicked students – most of
them teen-aged, like college boys today – spoiled the solemn
display. He had a month to prepare, and many of the Oxford
translators who would otherwise have used the summer months
for study of the Bible texts must have had to help him.
For the king’s visit Oxford paved
streets and swept them well. It newly painted all rails,
posts, bars of windows, casements, and pumps, and newly
tricked all arms. On August 27 the king came riding
horseback, with the queen on his left hand. Prince Henry
before them. Because they had come by easy stages, stopping
nights at great houses, they were fresh enough to look
regal. The vice-chancellor, George Abbot, translator, made
his speech on his knee with good grace and a clear voice.
The party went on to St. John’s
College. At Carfax Dr. John Perin, Greek reader and a
translator, made his oration “in good familiar Greek.” The
king heard him willingly and the queen gladly, because she
said she had never heard Greek. Dry as such a program may
seem to us today, to the scholars, and even to the royal
group, such speeches were alive and of intense concern,
partly because they all looked with respect on heaven and
hell. Who was good enough to regard the future with peace of
mind?
The party progressed to Christ
Church, and on the second day, August 28, from ten in the
morning until one they watched a tiresome light play. But
the sermons, lectures, disputes, and speeches of the
translators and the rest went on and on in accord with the
schedule. The Latin verses by the students, gone over by the
deans, were all up in place. Here and there the gracious
king, twiddling his fingers as was his wont, gave a few
words of praise, often in Latin. Vice-chancellor Abbot sent
Dr. Aglionby around with the king, whose alert vigor amazed
all. There is no suggestion that he drank too much. This was
a fair of learning on a high plane, with even the youthful
scholars less noisy and rowdy than was their habit, and the
doctors of divinity arrayed in scarlet gowns, faced down to
the feet with velvet, in the hot August weather.
That summer appeared the first
catalogue of the new Oxford library to which the year before
King James had, by patent, given the name of its founder.
Sir Thomas Bodley. It listed among the thousands of books in
its 655 pages, Biblia Latina pulcherrima, two volumes, a
present from Dr. George Ryves, Warden of New College and an
overseer of the translation, and other books that were gifts
from the King James learned men. Today the Bodleian has
hundreds of papers, as well as books, by and about the
translators.
Though his life belied it, King
James seemed sincere enough in posing as a lover of books.
When he received his degree at Oxford, he went into the
Bodleian, where chains bound all the books to the shelves.
Looking around with a longing mien, he said, “I would wish,
if ever it be my lot to be carried captive, to be shut up in
this prison, to be bound with these chains, and to spend my
life with these fellow captives which stand here chained.”
James truly admired the Bodleian.
Today it may be asked whether the
learned men of Oxford admired the king. Now he was the guest
of some who had been his guests at Hampton Court; Dr. John
Rainolds was one, on a program of sermons and lectures in
Latin and English. Although Rainolds’ lecture* (*A “sermon”
was delivered within the church service; a “lecture” outside
it, even though in the church building. New England later
kept up the custom of lecture day in the meeting house.) has
not been preserved, it seems safe to assume that he was more
polite to his king than James, at the conference, had been
to him.
In fact Rainolds the Puritan was
finding it possible to conform to some of the most difficult
of the church claims. In a letter dated June 3, 1605, two
months before the king’s visit, he maintained that the
bishops and clergy since Henry VIII’s split with the Roman
Church had been rightly ordained, and even in some cases
confirmed by the Pope. Many chief doctors of the Roman
Church had taught, he said, “Out of St. Augustine, grounding
on the Scripture that heretical bishops may lawfully
ordain.” Therefore in this letter, still among the Corpus
Christi papers, Rainolds joined Bancroft and the king in
arguing that the Church of England had wholly correct
descent from St. Peter, and its clergy were in the direct,
sacred line from the first Christian bishops.
Rainolds made no mention at this
time of the divine right of kings, but years before, in
another letter, he had written about divinity. “Sith that
divinity, the knowledge of God, is the water of life, the
vessel must be cleansed that shall have God’s holy spirit
not only a guest but also a continual dweller within. God
forbid that you should think divinity consists of words, as
a wood doth of trees. Divinity without godliness doth but
condemn consciences against the day of vengeance, and
provide the wrath of the mighty Lord, and make more
inexcusable before the seat of judgment. . . . True divinity
cannot be learned unless we frame our hearts and minds
wholly to it.” He had then urged study of the word of God in
the Hebrew and Greek, “not out of the books of translation,”
and had approved strongly of painful travail in Calvin’s
works. Now, still for Calvin, he was also for the
translation that was James’s best claim to divine guidance.
And indeed the Bible men were for
the king, the master of their task. Though the King James
version as it came from their hands and minds contained much
against kings, preachers could and did conclude that it
stood for divine right of the crown. Among the translators,
Lancelot Andrewes, whom the king heard preach and greatly
approved, said: “The duties of a king are first to
acknowledge his power to be from God. . . . Another duty of
the people is to bear with the infirmities of this mild
king, and to be as meek toward him in covering his
uncomeliness, if any be.” Was James thus mild and meek? Or
was Andrewes just holding up before him a standard?
In another sermon the gentle
Andrewes uttered what we may now see as a warning, though
surely it was not so meant or understood. Of kings he said:
“If religion make them not, heresy will not unmake them.”
Yet the struggles of James and the House of Commons over
taxes and other matters going on around the learned men as
they worked, could only confirm their religious convictions
and make them the more eager to finish their special task.
Let other writers – as for instance Pericles in Shakespeare
– raise political issues:
Kings are earth’s gods; in vice their law’s their will,
And if Jove stray, who dares say, Jove doth ill?
A touchy king might well dislike
such questions, and for the progress of the Bible work it
was little enough to assure a royal patron of his virtue and
safety. In the long run a bright, pure Bible could help all
men to stand equal before the mercy seat of heaven.
Another rebel in attendance during
the royal visit was Dr. Thomas Holland, the translator who
had conformed in outward things though he remained inwardly
against the bishops. As a feature of the royal
entertainment. Dr. Holland took part in an argument on the
theological question. Do the saints and angels know the
thoughts of the heart? Though an appropriate choice for men
of many minds, all on their good behavior, the virtue of the
question was that no one could answer it. It was therefore a
perfect subject for a heated debate, a drill in what passed
for logic, in the manner of the schoolmen of the Middle
Ages. According to custom. Dr. John Aglionby, a translator,
upheld one side and three other translators— Drs. Holland,
Giles Thomson, and John Harding – argued in opposition. The
moderator was to be Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Winchester,
another translator, if he could come; if not, then the
vice-chancellor – George Abbot, a translator too – would
take his place.
Although some may have enjoyed
their roles in the celebration, for Dr. Rainolds, prime
mover in a more important project, the days of the royal
visit must have been an ordeal. He had long been less than
robust. Coughing more than he liked, he suffered from what
he and the doctors thought was gout. Rainolds aroused
himself to lecture before the king, being present at all the
stodgy pomps, wearing the heavy emblems of his learning, and
then went back to his Corpus Christi duties and his study,
where he took extreme pains in poring over the Bible sources
and choosing English phrases. Normally the translators met
in his quarters once a week to discuss the Bible work now
put aside.
When the king left, his party and
the divines, plump and lean, with all sorts of other people
crowded the highways. Men, women, and children rode in a
jingling traffic of gay colors. Sedate translators returned
to their livings. In the stream many were walking, and there
were carts for luggage and varied goods. Traffic converged
on Oxford too, turning out and waiting as advance riders
warned that the royal progress was coming. On the face of
England there had been few changes since the time of
Chaucer’s pilgrims. The real changes would come when readers
of the new Bible learned to overturn what James thought and
urged, and to read into his Bible what he most strongly
opposed.
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