CHAPTER 4
The Westminster Groups
The learned men arranged to carry
on their work of translation in groups convenient to the
other duties which, for many of them, came first. There were
six groups: two at Westminster, one for the Old Testament
and one for the New; two at Oxford, one for each Testament;
and two at Cambridge, one for the Old Testament and one for
the Apocrypha.
The Westminster group of the Old
Testament was headed by Lancelot Andrewes, and met in his
pleasant deanery. It included John Overall, Dean of St.
Paul’s; Hadrian Saravia, John Layfield, Robert Tigue,
Francis Burleigh, Jeffrey King, Richard Thomson, William
Bed-well, and Richard Clarke, all Hebrew scholars, greater
or lesser. I shall present here the chief of these men and
tell briefly of the rest in a postscript at the end of this
book.
John Overall, son of George
Overall, was baptized in the cloth-making village of
Hadleigh, Suffolk, some fifty miles from London, March 2,
1560. Within a little over a year he appears to have been an
orphan. At the Hadleigh grammar school he was a sizar, or
poor student, who served the master for his board and
lodging. Two or three years later he moved on with the
master to Trinity College. Grave and handsome, he was in
1592 vicar at Epping, beyond Epping Forest, in Essex. In
1596 he rose to the royal chair of divinity at Cambridge.
Two years later, after some conflict about the choice, he
became, at the queen’s behest. Master of Catherine Hall
there. For one who had been a poor boy it was a very rapid
advance.
Yet from this, advancement was to
come. In 1602 the queen, on the urging of Sir Philip
Sidney’s friend, Sir Fulke Greville, made Overall Dean of
St. Paul’s. He of course retained his post at Cambridge.
At that time St. Paul’s was a
peculiar problem, its state one far from ideal grace. The
nave, called Paul’s Walk, had long been a meeting and
trading place for all sorts of rough, noisy people. In an
uproar like that of swarming bees, men and women thronged
there to exchange news, to buy and sell horses, servants,
and all kinds of things, to pick pockets and to concoct
lawless schemes. It was a place where fops showed off and
women from the streets sought, found, and bargained with
men. Thomas Dekker wrote of the scene:
What swaggering, what facing and out facing. What shuffling,
what shouldering, what justling, what jeering, what byting
of thumbs to beget quarrels, what holding uppe of finger to
remember drunken meetings, what braving with feathers, what
bearding with mustachoes, what casting open of cloakes to
publish new clothes, what muffling in cloakes to hyde broken
elbows . . . such trampling up and downe, such spelling,
such halking, and such humming (every man’s lips making a
noise, yet not a word to be understoode) . . . foote by
foote, and elbow by elbow, shall you see walking the Knight,
the Gull, the Gallant, the upstart, the Gentleman, the
Clowne, the Captaine, the Apple-squire (pander), the Lawyer,
the Usurer, the Citizen, the Bankerout, the Scholler, the
Begger, the Doctor, the Ideot, the Ruffian, the Choater, the
Puritan, the Cutthroat, the Hye-man, the Low-men, the
True-man, and the Thiefe . . . whilst devotion kneeles at
her prayers, doth prophanation walk under her nose in
contempt of Religion.
Indeed it seemed that in Paul’s
Walk all the evil folk mentioned in the Bible rambled and
strutted. There the jostling, the shuffling, the swearing,
the coney catching, the squeals and shrieks and guffaws, the
whole smelly hubbub, became so scandalous that Shakespeare
in Henry IV, Part II, and Ben Jonson in Every Man in His
Humour, make reference to this profanation.
Part of Overall’s work as dean was
to clean up this messy traffic. This he did rather quickly,
for a time at least, while he rode between London and
Cambridge. He also extended his responsibilities by getting
for himself the livings at Algarkirk in Lincolnshire and
Clothal in Hertfordshire. He was one of those condemned by
Chaderton and others for being “plural parsons” with several
incomes.
Now at the age of forty-four, just
before he became a Bible translator, he felt able to support
a wife. On April 16, 1604, at Mitcham, Surrey, he married
the lovely Anne, daughter of Edward Orwell of Christ Church,
London. Called “the greatest beauty of her time in England,”
she was the most recent bride among the learned men as the
Bible translation got under way. Before it was done, her
flighty conduct would occasion gossip.
Why Overall was placed in the
Hebrew group at Westminster is unclear, for he knew little
of that language, being mainly a Latin scholar. Fuller wrote
of him that on his appointment to preach before the queen,
“he professed . . . that he had spoken Latin so long, it was
troublesome to speak English in a continued oration.” With
no great fondness for preaching, he was content to quote the
church fathers, and in general his views made him “a
discreet presser of conformity.” Thus he wrote, “If any man
shall therefore affirm that ... all civil power,
jurisdiction, and authority was first derived from the
people and disordered multitude, or either is originally
still in them or else deduced by their consents, naturally
from them, and is not God’s ordinance originally descending
from Him and depending upon Him, he doth greatly err.”
Clearly Overall had no use for any sense of commonwealth, no
belief that the people of themselves could evolve
government.
Asked by the Earl of Essex whether
a man might lawfully enjoy recreation upon the Sabbath after
evening prayer. Overall thought that he might—that it was
“necessary that both body and mind should have recreation,
that a man may be so tedious and worn out in the service of
God that he may not be fit for God’s service.” Thus the
dean, with all his duties, seems to have thought that
serving God might be wearing. Yet while he was vicar at
Epping he had written of a common theological point with
simplicity and almost evangelical zeal: “I was requested to
come visit some of my parish that were sick, and coming I
found them sicker in mind than body. The thing that troubled
their minds, so they said, was this. They could not be
persuaded that Christ died for them. Wherein, having by the
comforts of the gospel, as I thought best, somewhat eased
and persuaded them, I took occasion afterward in my sermon,
for their sakes, to handle this point . . . Christ died for
all men sufficiently, for the believer only effectually, as
the sun that shineth sufficiently to give light to all,
though it doth it effectually only to them that open their
eyes; as water that is sufficient to quench all the thirsty,
but doth it only to them that drink it; as physic that is
sufficient to cure all maladies, but doth it effectually
only where it is applied. So Christ, the sum of
righteousness, the water of life, the heavenly medicine.”
We may discount some of the praise
of Overall because it is of the kind that the florid writers
about these Elizabethan worthies gave freely to all. Yet he
was a prodigious learned man, they said, learned and
judicious, with a strong brain to improve his great reading,
and accounted one of the most learned, controversial divines
of his day, one of the most profound of the English nation.
As a translator it was easy for
Overall to go from St. Paul’s to Westminster, a trifle over
two miles. He could have gone by road or by Thames river
boat. St. Paul’s was under Richard Bancroft, Bishop of
London. To what extent the ambitious bishop and the
successful dean were jealous of each other can only be
surmised, but Overall seems to have been enough in the
Bancroft party to rise with him. He made himself deeply
useful to the bishops by preparing a great volume of canons.
Like Andrewes and Overall, Dr.
Hadrian Saravia approved the divine right of kings and the
August functions of bishops. King James and Bishop Bancroft
must have found him a wholly safe man, sound in doctrine and
practice. He was “a terrible high churchman,” one to exude
the richer airs of Europe, for he was among the few learned
men of foreign birth and training. Born in Artois in 1531
and therefore the oldest translator, Saravia had a father of
Spanish descent and a Flemish mother. Both had become
Protestants, so he had no popish childhood to outgrow.
After training for the Church in
the Low Countries, Saravia took part in drawing up the
Walloon confession of faith and founded the Walloon church
in Brussels. Copies of the confession were given to the
Prince of Orange and to Count Egmont, the leaders of the Low
Countries’ Protestants, on behalf of the Calvinists. At
Leyden, Saravia was professor of divinity in the university
and received the degree of doctor of divinity while he was
pastor of the French Reformed Church there. No link appears
between him and the Pilgrims or Brownists who fled from
England to Holland and later sailed from Leyden to Plymouth,
Massachusetts, after Saravia had left the Low Countries.
Before reaching England Saravia was
pastor of a church at Guernsey in the Channel Islands.
Oxford gave him the doctor of divinity degree in 1590.
There, while serving as vicar of Lewisham in Kent, he was a
prebend of Canterbury, Worcester, and Westminster. His great
friend was Richard Hooker, Rainolds’ student, who tried to
lessen conflicts and became known as the seeker for the
golden mean. Izaac Walton wrote that “those two excellent
persons began a holy friendship increasing daily to so high
and holy affection that their two wills seemed to be but one
and the same. . . . They were supposed to be confessors to
each other.”
Much of Saravia’s writing is in
Latin, but in plain English he maintained the authority of
the bishops by apostolic warrant, and his “Treatise on the
Different Degrees of the Christian Priesthood,” published in
1590. maintained that “by apostles are meant bishops,” with
Titus and Timotheus in their turn created bishops by
divinely authorized ordination. He warned the clergy of
Guernsey that to overthrow this primitive polity was “not so
much to reform as to deform,” and explained that “a sound
form of government does not allow all to have equal
authority for governing.” Clearly he was a man who disliked
change and distrusted novelty.
Thus, writing of the great value of
the universities, he said that without these seminaries of
all learning and virtue, “the refinements of society and
civilization generally would vanish, and leave mankind to
relapse into that wild state of the savages of America.”
Only three of the learned men seem to have mentioned
America, then so vastly unknown, and Saravia appears to have
looked upon the New World with distaste and horror.
A younger member of the Hebrew
group at Westminster, Dr. John Layfield, had actually gone
out with those daring men who enlarged England’s pride by
voyage to lands beyond the seas. Layfield, a fellow of
Trinity College, Cambridge, fared forth to the West Indies
as chaplain to the third Earl of Cumberland.
Dr. Layfield enjoyed the flaunting
colors of the tropics, and described with childlike delight
what he saw on the islands where he landed. His is the sole
really mundane writing that we have by any of the
translators; he was earthy where all the rest were lofty.
His long account of the voyage to Puerto Rico may be read in
Purchas, His Pilgrims.
The voyage was made in a spring
late in the 1590's, some say 1596, others 1598. In May at
the island of Dominica Layfield wrote: “By two in the
afternoon we were come so near abroad the shore that we were
met with many canoes manned with men wholly naked, saving
that they had chains and bracelets and some bodkins in their
ears, or some strap in their nostrils or lips. . . . They
are men of good proportions, strong and light limbed, but
few of them tall, their wits able to direct them to things
bodily profitable. . . . They have wickers platted something
like a broad shield to defend the rain, they that want these
use a very broad leaf for that purpose. They provide shelter
against the rain because it washeth off their red painting,
laid so on that if you touch it you shall find it on your
fingers. . . . They saw their women as naked as we had seen
their men and alike attired even to the boring of their lips
and ears. Yet in that nakedness they discovered some sparks
of modesty, not willingly coming in the sight of strange and
apparelled men, and when they did come busy to cover what
should have been better covered. . . .”
Though we can prove nothing by mere
diction, there are many words in this passage that are found
in the King James Bible: apparel, attired, discovered,
nakedness, boring ears, covered, profitable. The rhythms of
Layfield also may remind us faintly of those in the books on
which he labored.
“The soil is very fat,” he wrote,
“even in the most neglected places matching the garden plats
in England for a rich black mold; so mountainous (certain in
the places where we came near the sea coasts) that the
valleys may better be called pits than plains, and withall
so impassably wooded that it is marvelous how those naked
souls can be able to pull themselves through them without
renting their natural clothes. . . . These hills are
apparelled with very goodly trees of many sorts. The
tall-ness of these unrequested trees makes the hills seem
more hilly than of themselves happily they are; for they
grow so like good children of some happy civil body, without
envy or oppression, as that they look like a proud meadow
about Oxford, when after some eruption Thames is again
couched low within his own banks, leaving the earth’s mantle
more rugged and flaky then otherwise it would have been.”
Of Puerto Rico he wrote: “The
soldiers which were found to lie abroad in the fields, when
they awaked found as much of their bodies as lay upwards to
be very wet. ... A wolvish kind of wild dogs which are bred
in the woods and there do go in great companies together . .
. live off crabs ... an animal, a living and sensible
creature . . . these woods are full of those crabs. . . .
Parrots and parakeets are here ... I have ordinarily seen
them fly in flocks. . . .”
More than Lancelot Andrewes even,
Layfield observed details and set them down. About plants he
was exact and charming.
“A woody pine apple is of an exceeding durance and lasting.
The taste of this fruit is very delicious, so as it quickly
breedeth a fullness. For I cannot like it in the palate to
any (me thinks) better than to very ripe strawberries and
cream, the rather if a man hath already eaten almost his
belly full. ... It groweth upon a bush like an artichoke.”
About drinks, which intrigued all
Elizabethans, he said: “The Spaniard hath two . . . sorts of
drink, the one called Guacapo made of molasses (that is the
coarsest of their sugar) and some spices; the other kind,
and used by the better sort of them, is called Alo which is
a kind of Bragget (honey and ale fermented together) with
many hot spices. . . .” Of cassava juice he wrote: “Sodden,
there is made a pretty kind of drink somewhat like small
ale.” This is the writing of one who imbibed all the drinks
with taste and good cheer. Conceivably he later relished
fixing in English the Bible passages about drinking.
The strange plantains impressed
him. “These plantains are a fruit which grow on a shrub
between an herb and a tree; but it is commonly called a tree
of the height of a man, the stem of it as big as a man’s
thigh, the fruit itself of the bigness and shape of a goat’s
horn, it groweth yellowish and mellow being ripe either upon
the tree or with keeping, and then eaten raw or roasted it
is a good meat, coming near to the relish of an Apple-john
[a new word when Layfield wrote] or a duson that hath been
kept till it is over-ripe, saving that methought I still
found some taste of a root in it, the meat of it is lapped
up in a thin skin, which being scored the long way with a
knife, delivereth what is within it. . . .” That is an early
record of the banana, a word which dates from 1597.
“Their Yerva will not have me
forget it. This herb is a little contemptible weed to look
upon, with a long wood stalk creeping upon the ground, and
seldom lifting itself above a handful high on the ground.
But it hath a property which confoundeth my understanding,
and perhaps will seem strange in the way of philosophers,
who have denied every part of sense to any plant; yet this
certainly seemeth to have feeling. For if you lay your
finger or a stick upon the leaves of it, not only that very
piece which you touched but that that is near to it will
contract itself and run together, as if it were presently
dead and withered, not only the leaves but the very sprigs,
being touched, will so disdainfully withdraw themselves, as
if they would slip themselves rather than be touched, in
which state both leaf and sprig will continue a good while,
before it return to the former great and flourishing form,
and they say that so long as the party which touched it
standeth by it, it will not open, but after his departure it
will. ... It must be more than sense, whence such a
sullenness can proceed.”
That is easy, zestful writing,
fairly direct though loose. Compare it with the simple,
exact, firm accounts of the temple and tabernacle in Exodus
and I Kings. Of Dr. Layfield it is said that “being skilled
in architecture, his judgment was much relied on for the
fabric of the tabernacle and temple.”* (*Collin,
Ecclesiastical History, 1852. Vol. VII, page 337. This is
the only plain statement I have found about what wording any
translator wrought.)
In 1602 Dr. Layfield became rector
of a great London church, St. Clement Danes, which stands
amid a parting of the traffic in the Strand. There, near
where the learned men worked on the Bible at Westminster, he
stayed for years.
Like Dean Overall, not long before
the translating began and doubtless because he too had
achieved a good living, Layfield let romance into his life.
On January 22, 1603, John Layfield, aged forty, was licensed
to marry Elizabeth, widow of John Brickett. She seems at
once to have melted into his background, for we have no
further mention of her. When Layfield needed more money,
Thomas Cecil, Earl of Exeter, wrote to his half brother,
Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, asking that the latter give
the living at Gravely to his “well worthy” chaplain. Dr.
Layfield. There is no record showing whether he got the
place.
Another of the younger men in the
Westminster Hebrew group, Richard Thomson, called “Dutch”
Thomson, was born in Holland of English parents. In 1587 he
took his B.A. at Clare Hall, Cambridge, and he received his
M.A. degree from both Cambridge and Oxford. His living was
at Snailwell, Cambridgeshire. Later his sponsor was Sir
Robert Killigrew. A great interpreter of Martial’s Latin
epigrams, he was also called a “grand propagator of
Arminianism,” the anti-Calvinist way of thought developed in
Holland.
Prynne said he was “a debauched
drunken English Dutchman who seldom went to bed one night
sober.” Yet Richard Montague called him “a most admirable
philologer.” Few divines were averse to drinking, and few
wholly abstained from it. “Dutch” Thomson is the only one of
the learned men to whom any referred as drunken. But if he
had what others may have thought too much by night, he arose
in the morning with his head clear enough to go forward
competently with the day’s work.
William Bedwell was a far more
famous scholar in England, where he was the father of Arabic
studies. Arabic he held to be the “only language of
religion” as well as the chief language of diplomacy and
business, “from the Fortunate Islands to the China Seas.”
Born in 1562, Bed-well was of Trinity College, Cambridge,
and traveled in Holland, where he went to Leyden to see the
Arabic collections of Scaliger, the famous linguist. In 1601
he was rector of St. Ethelburgh’s in Bishopsgate Street,
London. Not only an Oriental scholar, he was a
mathematician, with a notable library of books on
mathematics and astronomy.
In a hack work called “The Survey
and Antiquity of the Towns of Stamford . . . and Tottenham
High Cross,” he described the town of Tottenham as
“compounded of a quadrate and triangle, which kind of figure
is of Euclid and his scholars both Greeks and Latins called
trape-soiden.”
Still odder writing may be found in
his Mahomet Unmasked and his Arabian Trudgman. A trudgman,
he said, “signifieth an interpreter.” But some of his
interpretations may be questioned: thus he said of “sarrha,
serra, or as the Spaniards do pronounce it sierra, a desert
place, a wilderness. Sahara: the stony country, the sands;
the same almost that sarra is, that is a wilderness of
desert, un-tilled and uninhabited, by reason that it is
nothing but rocks and overspread with sand.” Would any modem
scholar connect Sahara with sierra, which means a long
jagged mountain chain, from the Latin meaning “saw”?
Among the learned men of course
were preachers as well as scholars. Richard Clarke, a fellow
of Christ’s College, Cambridge, and vicar on the island of
Thanet, beyond the mouth of the Thames, was one of the six
preachers in Canterbury Cathedral. Also he preached in the
famous metropolitan Church of Christ, Canterbury. His
sermons show the shape of his thought and his popular style:
“There are two sorts of atheism, mental and vocal ... I
pardon the mouth atheist. For he that shall openly say.
There is no God, will ipso facto be thought beside himself.
Or if he seem to have his wits, yet they that hear him will
abhor him; they will stop their ears against his blasphemy,
they will hiss at him, they will spit at him; his impious
assertion shall not stumble any one. But the heart atheist
that saith God is, but thinks it not, and lives accordingly,
ungodlily, unrighteously, unsoberly . . . his sin is greater
than his hypocrisy.”
The Westminster Hebrew group seems
to have been a truly balanced team. It glowed with
Elizabethan fire that ran through Andrewes, the linguist
with a good temper; Overall, the plugging workman; Saravia,
who had solid Leyden training; Layfield, of the simple
style, who had voyaged to America; Thomson the master of
word roots; Bedwell, versed in Eastern tongues; and Clarke,
the zealous preacher. These, with the lesser men of the
group, could sit down in a stone room by the fire and
discuss in placid, capable fashion the books of the Bible
they were to translate.
Nearly all these men at Westminster
were from the south of England, most of them holding livings
in or near London. They needed to be within a day’s ride on
horseback from their places to carry on this special work
regularly.
But there the likeness ended, for
all shades of opinion were to be found among them. “Dutch”
Thomson the Arminian came naturally by his views, but
Saravia the high churchman had studied at Leyden and what
did he think of Jacobus Arminius? Strict Calvinists, of
course, liked even less the Arminian softening of the
doctrine of predestination, and at this time the conformists
in the English Church were perhaps less rabid than the
Puritans.
Yet it is clear that while they
worked together, at least, these learned men with all their
shades of doctrine bore with each other. In the Westminster
Hebrew group were none who fought in the open. They could
unite in their desire to contrive a good and useful Bible
and to confirm themselves in the good will of the king and
of Bancroft, the strongest moving force in the Church. At
the same time they had their own inner urges toward rewards—
better livings, honors, added money. How could they afford
to fight among themselves?
The Greek group at Westminster
translated the Epistles. Their head was William Barlow, Dean
of Chester, whose account of the Hampton Court parley is our
main source for what took place there. As Chester is a long
way from London, Barlow must often have stayed away from his
duties as dean.
William Barlow had studied at St.
John’s College, Cambridge. He was a fellow at Trinity Hall
in 1590, and granted a degree of doctor of divinity in 1599.
Meanwhile in 1597 he was rector of St. Dunstan’s in the East
in London. Chaplain to Archbishop Whitgift, he also preached
before the queen as one of her chaplains. She praised his
sermon on the plow, saying, “Barlow’s text might seem taken
from the cart, but his talk might teach all the court.” At
the 1601 convocation he preached a famous “barley loaf”
sermon that the Puritans misliked. At Hampton Court he
showed that he misliked the Puritans.
An important event of his career
before he began to translate the Bible was his role at the
execution of the Earl of Essex, February 23, 1601. Three
chaplains, of whom Barlow was one, heard the condemned lord
recite the Creed on the scaffold, Essex, so tall, so
youthful-looking, so blond, clad in scarlet, lay down and
after a moment gave the sign for the end by thrusting out
his scarlet arms. The mighty axeman thrice raised the axe in
a mighty curve and thrice smashed it down. He was so
frightened that he first slashed the earl through the
shoulder, then through the head, and at last through the
neck in a fashion most grisly. Stooping, he lifted the
bloody head, held it high for all to see, and roared as was
his final duty, “God save the Queen!”
About kings and queens, Barlow was
always sound. Thus he wrote: “It is the prudence of a prince
which swayeth the scepter as the stern guides the ship.” The
king’s body, he said, is “sacred by holy unction.” Sacred
providence, he declared, “is to keep kings’ persons and
their authority sacred; that is, free from touch of
disgrace, or dismay of terror by any human power.” King
James greatly approved of him.
Others in this New Testament group
were John Spenser, Roger Fenton, Ralph Hutchinson, Michael
Rabbett, Thomas Sanderson, and William Dakins.
John Spenser had many livings. Son
of John, gent., he was born in Suffolk in 1559. In 1577 he
earned his B.A. degree at Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
where he received his doctor of divinity degree in 1602. He
was rector of Aveley and Ardleigh, Essex, of Feversham,
Kent, of St. Sepulchre’s, Newgate, and of Broxtourne,
Hertfordshire, all close enough to each other for relatively
easy travel. His wife was a sister of George Cranmer.
Another close friend of Richard Hooker, he wrote the
foreword to Hooker’s most famous work. Laws of
Ecclesiastical Polity. Spenser’s flowing style carried
figures of speech to great lengths. In his sermon at Paul’s
Cross, “God’s Love to His Vineyard,” he elaborated on the
comparison of the Church to a vine rooted in Christ, warning
the Church in elaborate metaphors which ranged from
horticulture to climate, from fencing to irrigation.
Roger Fenton, one of the bright
young men among the Bible scholars, was born in Lancashire
in 1565 and became a fellow of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge. In
1601 he was rector of St. Stephen’s Walbrook, and in 1603
rector of St. Benet’s, Sherehog. Since in 1604 he was also
chaplain to Sir Thomas Edgerton, the Lord Chancellor, he
appears to have been favored by the elite of the state. As
has been observed, many of the translators had patrons in
high places.
Fenton’s main printed work was A
Treatise on Usury, in which he described what he called “the
usury of nature, that most important and primitive increase
which the earth yieldeth in fruits unto man for his seed
sown.” With this man must not meddle. Usury in terms of
interest on loans was another matter; Fenton doubted its
virtue even for the benefit of widows and orphans. Yet,
though he deplored the multiplying coneys of this branch of
finance, Fenton became the “painful, pious, learned and
beloved” rector of Chigwell, in Essex—a living maintained by
those who knew enough to invest wisely. In other ways also
the ravens came and the manna fell for him, because he had
friends among the lofty.
While the sermons of these worthies
gather dust on their shelves, the English Bible, for us the
word of our God, stands forever. How could such men as
Barlow, Spenser, and Fenton have risen to the literary
heights reached by the King James version? We may say in awe
and in the words which they so miraculously managed to
choose for St. Paul, “I am persuaded, that neither death,
nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor
things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth,
nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from
the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.”
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