CHAPTER X
THE GREAT AWAKENING
Baptists in Massachusetts?Position of the
Puritans? Reaction Against the Standing Order?Thirteen Evils?The
Account of Jonathan Edwards of Conditions?A Minister in New
Hampshire?The Historian Trumbull?The Drink Habit?The Half Way
Covenant?The Burning of Witches?The Awakening in Northampton?The
Sermons of Edwards?The Revival Begins?The Effects of the
Revival?George Whitefield?The Estimate of Benjamin
Franklin?Manner of Preaching of Whitefield?Calvinism?The
Baptists Calvinistic?Disorders?Persecutions of the Standing
Order?Edwards Ejected from His Church?The Boston Gazette?Opposition
of the Episcopalians?Action of the Connecticut Legislature?The
New Lights?The New Lights Become Baptists?Bacon's Account?Great
Growth of the Baptists.
At the time of
the Great Awakening in Massachusetts there were nine Baptist
churches. After the Great Awakening, and as a result of it
before the Revolution, there were organized in the State
twenty-seven other Baptist churches. From these beginnings the
Baptists spread, in the course of time, through all of the New
England States. The Great Awakening began in 1734 with the third
generation of the Puritans. With the origin of this revival the
Baptists had nothing to do; but from it they reaped great
results.
The churches of
the Puritans, or the standing order, were intensely religious in
their theory and organization. The connection between Church and
State was close; and they confidently asserted that they were
led of God in all of the affairs of life. They believed that the
Scriptures prescribed not only grace for salvation, but laws for
the government of the community. These laws were derived from
Moses rather than from Christ. In the first twenty years about
one hundred ministers came over from England. They were of a
highly intellectual character and they were constantly consulted
by governors and magistrates. Their advice was freely given,
sometimes before it was asked; yet it was never unwelcome. In
1635 Rev. John Cotton drew up, for the use of the General Court,
a law code based upon "Moses, his judicials"; and capital
punishment was long continued for offenses specified in the book
of Leviticus.
From necessity
there came a reaction against the standing order. Men could not
be made pious by law. Non-church members were not permitted to
participate in the government. Until a profession of religion
was made even the children of such unbelievers were barred from
all the privileges of the church. There was a general lapse in
morals. The General Court called, in 1679, a Reforming Synod to
consider the evils of the day.
After a careful
consideration of these problems thirteen evils were specified as
being the cause of the disasters and calamities which had come
upon them. They were as follows: decay of godliness on the part
of professed Christians; pride and extravagance in dress;
neglect of baptism and church fellowship together with a failure
to testify against Quakers and Baptists; profanity and
irreverent behaviour in the sanctuary; absence of Sabbath
observance; lack of family government and worship; backbitings,
censures, revilings, and litigations between church members;
intemperance, tavern haunting and putting the bottle to the lips
of the Indians, besides adultery, lustful dress and behaviour,
mixed dancings, gaming and idleness; covetousness and a love of
the world; opposition to reformation and leniency toward sin; a
want of public spirit in causing schools and other common
interests to languish; and finally a general unfruitfulness
under means of grace and a refusal to repent.
Jonathan
Edwards, writing concerning the year 1730, when he succeeded his
grandfather, Solomon Stoddard, as the pastor of the church in
Northampton, says:
It seemed
to be a time of extraordinary dullness in religion;
licentiousness for some years greatly prevailed among the
youth of the town; they were many of them very much addicted
to night walking, and frequenting the tavern, and lewd
practices wherein some by their example exceedingly
corrupted others. It was their manner very frequently to get
together in conventions of both sexes, for mirth and
jollity, which they called frolicks; and they would often
spend the greater part of the night in them, without any
regard to order in the families they belonged to; and indeed
family government did not much prevail in the town. It was
become very customary with many of our young people to be
indecent in their carriage at meeting, which doubtless would
not have prevailed to such a degree, had it not been that my
grandfather, through his great age (though he retained his
powers surprisingly to the last) was not able to observe
them. There had also prevailed in the town a spirit of
contention between two parties, into which they had for many
years been divided, by which was maintained a jealousy one
of the other, and they were prepared to oppose one another
in public affairs (Edwards, Narrative of Surprising
Conversions. Works, III.).
A minister in
the capital town of New Hampshire says of the state of the
churches at this time:
No serious
Christian could behold it without a sad heart, and scarce
without a weeping eye; to see the solid, substantial piety,
for which our ancestors were justly renowned, having long
languished under sore decays, brought so low, and seemingly
just ready to expire and give up the ghost. How did not only
Pelagianism, but Arianism, Socinianism, and even Deism, and
what is falsely called Free-Thinking, here and there
prevail! The instituted means of salvation, in many places,
were but lightly esteemed, and a horrid contempt was put
upon the ministry of the word (Shurtliff, Defence of
Whitefield).
Trumbull, the
historian of Connecticut, speaking of the year 1734, says:
The forms
of religion were kept up, but there appeared but little of
the power of it. Both the wise and foolish virgins seemed to
slumber. Professors appeared too generally to become worldly
and lukewarm. The young people became loose and vicious,
family prayer and religion were greatly neglected, the
Sabbath was lamentably profaned; the intermissions were
spent in worldly conversation. The young people made the
evenings after the Lord?s day, and after lectures, the times
for their mirth and company keeping. Taverns were haunted;
intemperance and other vices increased; and the Spirit of
God appeared to be awfully withdrawn. It seems also to
appear that many of the clergy, instead of clearly and
powerfully preaching the doctrines of original sin, or
regeneration, justification by faith alone, and the other
peculiar doctrines of the gospel, contented themselves with
preaching a cold, unprincipled and lifeless morality; for
when these great doctrines were perspicuously and powerfully
preached, and distinctions were made between the morality of
Christians, originating in evangelical principles, faith and
love, and the morality of heathen, they were offended, and
became violent opposers (Trumbull, History of
Connecticut, II.).
And of the year
1739 he says:
But few
persons offered themselves to the communion of the churches.
It was also observed that those who did offer themselves
gave no account of any previous convictions which they had
obtained of their great sin and misery by nature and
practice. It does not appear that ministers in general, at
that time, made any particular enquiry of those whom they
admitted to communion, with respect to their internal
feelings and exercises. The Stoddardian opinion generally
prevailed at this period, that unregenerate men could
consistently covenant with God, and when moral in their
lives, had a right to sealing ordinances (Trumbull, II.).
The drink habit
had frightfully increased. "It is easy to praise the fathers of
New England," says Theodore Parker, "easier to praise for
virtues they did not possess than to discriminate and fairly
judge those remarkable men . . . . Let us mention two facts. It
is recorded in the probate office that in 1678, at the funeral
of Mrs. Mary Norton, widow of the celebrated John Norton, one of
the ministers of the first Church in Boston, fifty-one and a
half gallons of the best Malaga wine were consumed by the
mourners. In 1685, at the funeral of Rev. Thomas Cobbett,
minister of Ipswich, there were consumed one barrel of wine and
two barrels of cider; and, as it was cold, there were ?some
spice and ginger for the cider.? You may easily judge of the
drunkenness and riot on occasions less solemn than the funeral
of an old beloved minister. Towns provided intoxicating drinks
at the funeral of their paupers. In Salem, in 1728, at the
funeral of a pauper, a gallon of wine and another of cider are
charged as ?incidentals?; the next year six gallons of wine on a
similar occasion. In Lynn, in 1728, the town furnished ?half a
barrel of cider for the widow Despau?s funeral.? Affairs had
come to such a pass that in 1742 the General Court forbade the
use of wine and rum at funerals" (Parker, Speeches, Addresses
and Occasional Sermons).
The year 1662
marks a transitional point in the churches of New England. The
adoption of the celebrated half-way covenant that year opened
the door for worldliness, formality, and dangerous errors. In
1670 a decay in spirituality was very apparent. Rev. Samuel
Danforth, of Roxbury, spoke of "the temper, complexion, and
countenance of the churches as being strangely altered" and "a
cold, careless, dead frame of spirit" as having "grown steadily"
upon them. In 1678 Increase Mather spoke of "conversions" as
"rare." "The body of the rising generation is a poor, perishing,
unconverted, and, except the Lord pour down his Spirit, an
undone generation. Many are profane, drunkards, lascivious,
scoffers at the power of godliness." In 1683 Rev. Samuel Torry,
of Weymouth, spoke: "Of the many symptoms of death that are upon
our religion!" "As converting work doth cease, so doth religion
die away; though more insensibly, yet more irrevocably. How much
is religion dying in the hearts of sincere Christians!" In 1702
Increase Mather said: "Look into our pulpits and see if there is
such a glory there as there once was. Look into the civil State.
Does Christ reign there as he once did? How many churches, how
many towns are there in New England over which we may sigh and
say, the glory is gone!" (Dorchester, Christianity in the
United States).
The burning of
the witches greatly lowered the religious tone of the country.
New England suffered the consequences of a delusion which was at
this period dying out in Europe. In the year previous witches
had occasionally been tried and executed; but in 1692, processes
of this kind commenced, especially in Salem, on such a scale
that by degrees towards one hundred persons were brought to
trial. The accusers represented themselves as tormented by these
persons in a very singular manner, and as having seen and
watched their secret conclaves with evil spirits. Not one of the
number confessed his guilt. It was not until the accusers had
impeached many persons of blameless character and members of
distinction that the public opinion turned against the accusers.
The cause of religion, however, was irretrievably injured
(Uhden, The New England Theocracy, 222. Boston, 1859) .
There had been
some manifestations of a better state of affairs. Theodore
Frelenhuyson, a Dutch Reformed minister, near New Brunswick, New
Jersey, was afflicted with a serious illness. After his recovery
he seriously called sinners to repentance. "Which method," he
said, "was sealed by the Holy Spirit in the conviction and
conversion of a considerable number of persons at various times
and in different places in that part of the country as appeared
by their acquaintance with experimental religion and good
conversation" (Tracy, The Great Awakening).
The Great
Awakening, however, properly began in Northampton,
Massachusetts, about the year 1734. The honor belongs to
Jonathan Edwards. As a child he was precocious. At six he
commenced the study of Latin, at ten he wrote an essay denying
the materiality of the soul, and at thirteen he entered Yale
College, from which he graduated in September, 1720, before he
had quite reached the age of seventeen. During his second year
in college he read Locke on the "Human Understanding," with
which he said he was inexpressibly pleased and entertained; more
so than the greedy miser, when gathering a handful of silver and
gold from some newly-discovered treasure. After graduation he
remained two years in college, studying and preparing himself
for the gospel ministry to which he had already committed
himself.
A genealogical
study of the descendants of Edwards reveals very interesting
facts. It has been computed that among them are presidents of
eight colleges, about one hundred college professors, more than
one hundred lawyers, sixty physicians, thirty judges, eighty
holders of important public offices, twenty-five officers in the
army and navy, and numberless clergymen and missionaries
(Winship, The Human Legacy of Jonathan Edwards, The World?s
Work, October, 1903).
With Edwards
began a new period of American religious history, a period
characterized on the one hand by revivalism and on the other by
the appearance of theological parties and the growth of
denominationalism.
After his
settlement at Northampton he began preaching sermons on
justification by faith, the justice of God in the damnation of
sinners, the excellency of Christ, and the duty of pressing into
the kingdom of God. These sermons greatly deepened the religious
impressions of his hearers.
In these
sermons the doctrine of God?s sovereignty was strongly insisted
upon. Through the fall of Adam man had lost God?s favor and
henceforth had no claim upon his mercy. Man is a sinner by birth
as well as by choice and is possessed of no moral power of his
own wherewith he may turn to God or please him. God is under no
obligation to save any one. "His sovereignty is involved in his
freedom to take whom he pleases, and to leave whom he pleases to
perish." Special grace is communicated to such as he has chosen
to salvation, but all others are left to die in their sins.
Satisfaction must be made for the sins of those who are
foreordained to eternal life. Such satisfaction was made in the
vicarious sacrifice on the cross by Jesus Christ, who suffered
thereby a penalty equivalent to the eternal sufferings of the
elect, and thus their debt was literally paid. By the imputation
of Christ?s righteousness to the believer soul salvation was
effected (Beardsley, A History of American Revivals).
Under this
preaching some persons were converted. Among these was a
frivolous young woman, who it was feared would bring disrepute
upon the gospel, but these fears were not realized.
"Presently upon
this," wrote Edwards, "a great and earnest concern about the
great things of religion, and the eternal world, became
universal in all parts of the town, and among persons of all
degrees, and all ages; the noise among the dry bones waxed
louder and louder; all other talk but about spiritual and
eternal things was soon thrown by; all the conversation in all
companies, upon all occasions, was upon these things only,
unless so much as was necessary for people carrying on their
ordinary secular business. Other discourse than on the things of
religion, would scarcely be tolerated in any company. The minds
of the people were wonderfully taken off from the world; it was
treated amongst us as a thing of very little consequence; they
seemed to follow their worldly business, more as a part of their
duty, than any disposition they had to it; the temptation now
seemed to lie on that hand, to neglect worldly affairs too much,
and to spend too much time in the immediate exercise of
religion; which thing was exceedingly misrepresented by reports
that were spread in distant parts of the land, as though the
people here had wholly thrown by all worldly business, and
betook themselves entirely to reading and praying, and such like
religious exercises.
"But though the
people did not ordinarily neglect their worldly business, yet
there was the reverse of what commonly is; religion was with all
sorts the common concern, and the world was a thing only by the
way. The only thing in their view was to get the kingdom of
heaven, and everyone appeared pressing into it; the engagedness
of their hearts in this great concern could not be hid; it
appeared in their very countenances. It was then a dreadful
thing amongst us to lie out of Christ, in danger every day of
dropping into hell; and what persons? minds were intent upon was
to escape for their lives, and to fly from the wrath to came.
All would eagerly lay hold of opportunities for their souls; and
were wont very often to meet together in private houses for
religious purposes; and such meetings, when appointed, were wont
greatly to be thronged.
"There was
scarcely a single person in the town, either old or young, that
wag left unconcerned about the great things of the eternal
world. Those that were wont to be vainest, and loosest, and
those that had been disposed to think and speak slightly of
vital and experimental religion, were now generally subject to
great awakenings. And the work of conversion was carried on in a
most astonishing manner, and increased more and more; souls did,
as it were, come by flocks to Jesus Christ. From. day to day,
for many months together, might be seen evident instances of
sinners brought out o f darkness into marvelous light,
and delivered out of an horrible pit, and from the miry clay,
and set upon a rock, with a new song of praise to God in
their mouths" (Edwards, III.).
The effects of
the revival were far reaching; but the labors of George
Whitefield greatly augmented the results. "The life of
Whitefield reads like a romance. He was born in Bell Inn, in the
city of Gloucester, England, December 16, 1714. His father, who
had been a wine merchant and afterwards an inn keeper, died when
the future evangelist was but two years of age. Notwithstanding
her limited resources his mother determined to give him every
advantage within her power. As a youth he was sent to the
Grammar School of St. Mary de Crypt, and at the age of eighteen
he entered Oxford University, where he secured a position as
servitor in Pembroke College. With the assistance thus afforded
and through the kindness of friends he was enabled to reach the
end of his three years? residence at college with but
twenty-five pounds indebtedness." At first he was reckless, but
after he gave himself to the ministry he lived an austere life.
He was an orator of unusual power. Of his first sermon it was
reported that he had driven fifteen persons mad. Repeatedly he
visited America and preached in every section of the country. In
Philadelphia he spoke from the gallery of the Court House, on
Market Street. It was said that "his voice was distinctly heard
on the Jersey shore, and so distinct was his speech that every
word was understood on board of a shallop at Market street
wharf, a distance of upward of four hundred feet from the court
house. All the intermediate space was crowded with his hearers"
(Gillies, Memoirs of Whitefield).
"He seems to
have no regard," says Prince, "to please the eyes of his hearers
with agreeable gesture, nor their ears with delivery, nor their
fancy with language; but to aim directly at their hearts and
consciences, to lay open their ruinous delusions, show them
their numerous, secret, hypocritical shifts in religion, and
drive them out of every deceitful refuge wherein they made
themselves easy with the form of godliness without power"
(Tracy, The Great Awakening).
On the effects
of the visit to Philadelphia Benjamin Franklin said:
The
multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his
sermons were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation
with me to observe the influence of his oratory on his
hearers and how much they respected him, notwithstanding his
common abuse of them, assuring them that they were naturally
half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the
change soon made in the manners of the inhabitants. From
being thoughtless and indifferent about religion, it seemed
as if all the world was growing religious; so that one could
not walk through the town in an evening without hearing
psalms in different families in every street (Billingsley,
Life of Whitefield).
The manner of
his preaching is thus described by a contemporary: "He loudly
proclaims all men by nature to be under sin, and obnoxious to
the wrath of God. He maintains the absolute necessity of
supernatural grace to bring men out of this state. He asserts
the righteousness of Christ alone to be the cause of the
justification of a sinner; that this is received by faith; that
faith is the gift of God; that where faith is wrought it brings
the sinner under the deepest sense of unworthiness, to the
footstool of sovereign grace to accept of mercy as the free gift
of God only for Christ?s sake. He asserts the absolute necessity
of the new birth; that this new production is solely the work of
God?s blessed spirit; that wherever it is wrought it is a
permanent, abiding principle, and that the gates of hell shall
never prevail against it" (Dunning, Congregationalists).
The trend of
the preaching was decidedly Calvinistic. The sovereignty of God
was the central theme about which all else revolved. Jonathan
Edwards wrote:
I think I
have found that no discourses have been more remarkably
blessed, than those in which the doctrine of God?s absolute
sovereignty with regard to the salvation of sinners, and his
just liberty, with regard to the answering the prayers, or
succeeding the pains of mere natural men, continuing such,
have been insisted on (Edwards, Works, III.).
On the subject
of a "Sinner in the Hands of an Angry God" President Edwards
says:
God has
laid himself under no obligation, by any promise, to keep
any natural man out of hell one moment.... The bow of God?s
wrath is bent, and the arrow made ready on the string, and
justice bends the arrow at your heart, and strains the bow,
and it is nothing but the mere pleasure of God, and that of
an angry God, without any promise or obligation at all, that
keeps the arrow for one moment from being drunk with your
blood ....The God that holds you over the pit of hell, much
as one holds a spider or some loathsome insect over the
fire, abhors you and is dreadfully provoked ....You hang by
a slender thread, with the flames of divine wrath flashing
about it, and ready every moment to singe it and burn it
asunder; and you have no interest in any mediator, and
nothing to lay hold of to save yourself, nothing to keep off
the flames of wrath, nothing of your own, nothing that you
have ever done, nothing that you can do to induce God to
spare you one moment.
The preaching
of some Baptists was equally Calvinistic in tone. Ezra Stiles,
in a letter to Chauncy Whittlesey, March 6, 1770, describes one
Dawson, a Baptist minister of Newport, as follows:
He preaches
that it is sinful for an unregenerate to pray at all; to use
the Lord?s Prayer in particular, for if they said the truth,
they would say?."Our Father which art in Hell," our Father,
the Devil; that unregenerate are to use no means at all,
there are no means appointed for them;?they are more likely,
or at least as likely, to be seized by grace, not using than
using means. Particularly, as to attending his preaching, he
asked them what they came there for, he had nothing to say
to them, only to tell them that they were heirs of
damnation, and that would do them no good nor hurt....None
but saints were the subjects of his preaching or ordination;
and (he) forbid at length the promiscuous congregation to
sing with them, or to pray with them,?and only a dozen or so
now sing .... So that he does the thing thoroughly,?he makes
no pauses or reservations. Now this, at this time, is a very
wonderful looking glass (Stiles, Diary, I.).
Naturally there
were many disorders which accompanied these revival services. A
writer in the Boston Gazette, May 31, 1743, suggested
that a convention be held to "consider whether they are not
called upon to give an open, conjunct testimony to an event so
surprising and gracious, as well as against those errors in
doctrine and disorders in practice, which, through the
persistent agency of Satan, have attended it, and in some
measure blemished its glory and hindered its advancement." Such
a meeting was held July following. After deliberation
sixty-eight persons signed a manifesto. In part the ministers
expressed themselves in these words.
With
respect to a number of those who have been under the
impressions of the present day, we must declare there is no
good ground to conclude that they have become real
Christians; the account they give of their conviction and
consolation agreeing with the standard of the holy
scriptures, corresponding with the experience of the saints,
and evidenced by the eternal fruits of holiness in their
live; so that they appear to those who have the nearest
access to them, as so many epistles of Christ, written, not
with ink, but by the Spirit of the living God, attesting to
the genuineness of the present operation, and representing
the excellency of it. Indeed, many who appeared under
conviction, and were much altered in their external
behaviour, when this work began, and while it was most
flourishing, have lost their impressions, and are relapsed
into their former manner of life; yet of those who were
judged hopefully converted, and made a public profession of
religion, there have been fewer instances of scandal and
apostasy than might be expected. So that, so far as we are
able to form a judgment, the face of religion is lately
changed much for the better in many of our towns and
congregations; and together with a reformation observable in
divers instances, there appears to be more experimental
godliness, and lively christianity, than most of us can
remember we have ever seen before.
The conduct of
Whitefield sometimes savored of fanaticism. His Journal abounds
in descriptions of the emotional effects of his preaching.
"Shrieking, crying, weeping, and wailing were to be heard on
every corner." "In almost every part of the congregation
somebody or another began to cry out, and almost all melted into
tears." "Some were struck pale as death, others wringing their
hands, others were lying on the ground, and most lifting their
eyes toward heaven, and crying to God for mercy." He was greatly
influenced by impulses and impressions.
There were many
protests from the State Churches which finally led to the
organization of Separate or New Light churches. There are many
examples of this kind. Ebenezer Frothingham, of Middletown,
gives an account of conditions, in 1767, in Connecticut. He
says:
I myself
have been confined in Hartford prison near five months, for
nothing but exhorting and warning the People, after the
public Worship was done and the Assembly dismissed. And
whilst I was there confined, three more persons were sent to
prison; one for exhorting, and two for worshipping God in a
private house in a Separate meeting. And quick after I was
released by the Laws being answered by natural Relations
unbeknown to me, then two brethren were committed for
exhorting and preaching, and several others afterwards for
attending the same duties; and I myself twice more was sent
to prison for the Minister?s rates (Frothingham, A
Key to Unlock the Door that leads in to take a Fair View of
the Religious Constitution established by Law in the Colony
of Connecticut, 51. Printed 1767).
He further
informs us the Baptists were persecuted for the same reasons:
Young
Deacon Drake, of Windsor, now in Hartford prison, for the
Minister?s rates and building their meeting house, altho? he
is a baptist;?is accounted a harmless, godly man; and he has
plead the privilege of a baptist, through all the courts,
and been at great expense, without relief, till at last the
assembly has given him a mark in his hand, and
notwithstanding this, they have thrust him to prison for
former rates, with several aggravations, which I shall omit.
But as to what the Constitution does to relieve the poor
Deacon, he may there die, and the cry of blood, blood, go up
to the ears of a just God (Frothingham).
To prevent
Whitefield from visiting Connecticut, and to prejudice the
people against him, the General Association of Churches of
Connecticut, June, 1745, passed the following resolution:
That,
WHEREAS, there has of late years been many errors in
doctrine and disorders in practice, prevailing in the
Churches in this land, which seem to have a threatening
aspect upon the Churches; and WHEREAS, Mr. George Whitefield
has been the promoter, or at least the faulty occasion of
many of these errors and disorders; this Association think
it needful for them to declare, that if the said Mr.
Whitefield should make his progress through this government,
it would by no means be advisable for any of our ministers
to admit him into their pulpits, or for any of our people to
attend his administrations (Frederic Denison, Notes of
the Baptists, and Their Principles in Norwich, Conn., from
the Settlement of the Town to 1850).
Even Jonathan
Edwards was ejected from his church at Northampton. An
ecclesiastical council, "convened not without elements of
unfairness," voted "that it is expedient that the pastoral
relation between Mr. Edwards and his church be immediately
dissolved, if the people shall persist in desiring it." The
action of the council was ratified by the church by a majority
of two hundred and fifty votes. July 1, 1750, he preached his
farewell sermon. For sometime he preached occasionally, until
prohibited to do so by the town meeting.
The
Episcopalians were likewise in opposition to Whitefield and the
revival. This did much toward the unpopularity of that
denomination in the American Revolution. Dr. Colman of the
Battle Street Church invited Whitefield to Boston. Dr. Cutler,
meeting him on the street, said to him frankly: "I am sorry to
see you here"; to which Whitefield replied: "So is the Devil."
Dr. Cutler described Whitefield?s visit in a letter to a friend,
as follows:
Whitefield
has plagued us with a witness. It would be an endless
attempt to describe the scene of confusion and disturbance
occasioned by him; the divisions of families, neighborhoods
and towns; the contrariety of husbands and wives; the
undutifulness of children and servants; the quarrels among
the teachers; the disorders of the night; the intermission
of labor and business; the neglect of husbandry and the
gathering of the harvest.... In many communities several
preaching, and several exhorting and praying, at the same
time, the rest crying, or laughing, yelping, sprawling or
fainting. This revel in some places has been maintained many
days and nights together.
When Mr.
Whitefield first arrived here, the whole town was alarmed.
He made his first visit to church on Friday, and canvassed
with many of our clergy together, and belied them, me
especially, when he was gone. Being not invited into our
pulpits, the Dissenters were highly pleased, and engrossed
him; and immediately bells rang, and all hands went to
lecture. This show kept up all the while he was here. The
town was ever alarmed; the streets were filled with people
with coaches and chairs, all for the benefit of that holy
man. The conventicles were crowded; but he rather chose the
Common, where multitudes might see him in all his awful
postures; besides, in one crowded conventicle, six were
killed in a fight before he came in; but he ever
anathematized the Church of England, and that was enough.
After him
came one Tennant, a monster, impudent and noisy, and told
them they were all Damned! damned! damned! This charmed
them, and, in the most dreadful winter I ever saw, people
wallowed in the snow, night and day, for the benefit of this
beastly brayings.
In order to
correct these alleged evils the Connecticut legislature, in
1742, passed an act forbidding any minister or licentiate to
preach in any church not his own, without the consent of its
pastor and the major portion of the membership, under penalty of
forfeiting the right to collect his legal salary, if a resident
of the colony, and liability of expulsion from the colony if
not.
The Great
Awakening "was begun and carried on almost wholly by
Pedobaptists, from which denomination their fathers had suffered
much, most of the Baptists were prejudiced against the work, and
against the Calvinian doctrine by which it was prompted"
(Backus, II. 41) . Those who were converted in the Great
Awakening found most of the churches of the standing order
chilly and uncongenial and as a result became Separatists, or
New Lights, founding churches of their own. The Separate
churches organized in this movement continued to exist many
years. Much complaint was urged against them because they were
accused of being Americans (Reuben Fetcher, The Lamentable
State o f New England, Boston, 1771) .
The explanation
of how these New Light churches became Baptist churches in many
instances is thus given by Bacon: "An even more important result
of the Awakening was the swift and wide extension of Baptist
principles and churches. This was altogether logical. . The
revival had come, not so much in the spirit and power of Elijah,
turning to each other the hearts of the fathers and of children,
as in the spirit of Ezekiel, the preacher of individual
responsibility and duty. The temper of the revival was wholly
congenial with the strong individualism of the Baptist churches.
The Separatist churches formed in New England by the withdrawal
of revival enthusiasts from the parish churches in many
instances became Baptists. Cases of individual conversion to
Baptist views were frequent, and the earnestness with which the
new opinion was held approved itself not only by debating and
proselyting, but by strenuous and useful evangelizing.
Especially in the South, from Virginia to Georgia, the new
preachers, entering into the labors of the annoyed and
persecuted pioneers of their communion, won multitudes of
converts to the Christian faith, from the neglected populations,
both black and white, and gave to the Baptist churches a lasting
prominence in numbers among the churches of the South" (Bacon,
A History of American Christianity).
Thus the
Baptists greatly profited by the Great Awakening. "At this
period," says Baron Stow, "the Baptist denomination on this
continent was exceedingly limited, numbering only thirty-seven
churches, and probably less than three thousand members. The
preaching of Mr. Whitefield and others who caught from heaven
the same hallowed fire, and the great awakening consequent upon
their sanctified labors, gave currency to the principles which
wrought undesired changes, and conducted to results which were
neither anticipated nor desired. Little did those men of God who
were such efficient agents in the ?New Light Stir,? as it was
opprobriously called, and who pushed their measures with almost
superhuman vigor, amidst a tempest of opposition and obloquy,
imagine that they were breaking up the fallow ground of their
own ecclesiastical system, and sowing seed from which a sect
that was everywhere spoken against, would reap a bountiful
harvest.
"The converts
who received the name of ?Separatists,? were taught to throw
aside tradition, and take the Word of God only as their guide in
all matters of religious faith and practice. This was in perfect
coincidence with all Baptist teaching, and, as was predicted by
the most sagacious among the opposers of the revival, ultimately
led thousands, among whom were many ministers, to embrace our
views and enter our churches."
The method by
which these Separate churches became Baptists may be illustrated
by the history of the Sturbridge church, Massachusetts. "This
church was in its origin one of those which claimed vital and
practical godliness to be indispensable qualification for
membership in a church of Christ. This principle was the whole
ground of separation, in this case, as well as in many others.
"At first, the
church believed in and practiced infant sprinkling. The fact
that this is not an ordinance of scripture, probably, had never
entered their minds. But still, the other principles which they
had adopted, especially that of making the scriptures the
supreme arbiter in religion, prepared the way for their giving
up this unscriptural ceremony. Accordingly, some of the members
soon began to entertain strong doubts of the correctness of
their practice, and in this respect, and, soon after, openly to
call in question the validity of infant sprinkling. Although a
number of the members of the church became fully convinced that
the scriptures point out no other baptism than that of
believers, and no other mode than that of immersion. In May,
1749, thirteen of the members submitted to this ordinance,
administered according to apostolic direction and practice. The
ordinance was administered by Rev. Mr. Moulton of Brimfield.
About fifty of the members were soon afterward baptized,
including with those before mentioned the Pastor, the Deacons
and the Ruling Elders. From the time of the first baptism, when
the thirteen mentioned above were baptized, the sprinkling of
infants, like the house of Saul, waxed weaker; while the baptism
which the scriptures require, waxed stronger and stronger; till
at length, the baptism of believers, as held and practiced by
Baptist churches, at the present day, gained the complete
victory.
"It will be
seen by these statements, that this church was originally a
Pedobaptist church?.The Presbyterian form of church government
was the model by which the discipline of this church, in its
early history, was conducted?.And it is presumed, that by tacit
consent, the form of government in the church became
congregational" (Joel Kenney, Historical Sketch of the Baptist
Church in Sturbridge, The Baptist Memorial and Monthly
Record, 201, 202. June, 1844).
This is a fair
illustration of how many of the Separate became Baptist
churches.
Books for
further reference:
The Works of
President Edwards in four volumes. New York, 1849.
Frank Grenville
Beardsley, A History of American Revivals. New York,
1912.
Warren A.
Candler, Great Revivals and the Great Republic. Nashville, 1904.
John T. Perry,
In the Footsteps of Whitefield, The Baptist Review, VII.
13-27. Cincinnati, 1885.
J. D. Knowles,
Life and Times of Whitefield, The Christian Review, III.
264-271. Boston, 1838.
A. P. Marvin,
Three Eras of Revival in the United States, Bibliotheca
Sacra, XVI. 279-301. Andover, 1859.
Joseph F.
Thompson, Jonathan Edwards, his Character, Teaching and
Influence, Bibliotheca Sacra, XVIII. 809-839. Andover,
1861.
Increase N.
Tarbox, Jonathan Edwards, Bibliotheca Sacra, XXVI.
243-267.
Ezra Hoyt
Byington, Jonathan Edwards and the Great Awakening,
Bibliotheca Sacra, LV. 114-127. Oberlin, 1898.
Arthur W.
Cleaves, The Significance of Whitefield, The Review and
Expositor, XII. 577-594. Louisville, 1915.
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