CHAPTER II
THE ANCIENT CHURCHES
The
period of the ancient churches (A. D. 100-325) is much
obscured. Much of the material has been lost; much of it that
remains has been interpolated by Mediaeval Popish writers and
translators; and all of it has been involved in much
controversy. Caution must, therefore, be observed m arriving at
permanent conclusions. Hasty generalizations that all Christians
and churches were involved in doctrinal error must be accepted
with extreme caution. Strange and horrible charges began to be
current against the Christians. The secrecy of their meetings
for worship was ascribed, not to its true cause, the fear of
persecution, but to a consciousness of abominations which could
not bear the light The Jews were especially industrious in
inventing and propagating such stories. In this way discredit
was brought on the Christian name.
It is certain, however,
in the early days following the death of the apostle John, that
the Christians lived simple and zealous lives. Isaac Taylor, who
especially wrote against a superstitious overvaluation of the
patristic age, gives a fine picture of early Christian life. He
says:
Our brethren of
the early church challenge our respect, as well as
affection; for theirs was the fervor of a steady faith
in things unseen and eternal; theirs, often, a meek
patience under the most grievous wrongs; theirs the
courage to maintain a good profession before the
frowning face of philosophy, of secular tyranny, and of
splendid superstition; theirs was abstractness from the
world and a painful self-denial; theirs the most arduous
and costly labors of love; theirs a munificence in
charity, altogether without example; theirs was a
reverent and scrupulous care of the sacred writings; and
this one merit, if they had no other, is of a
superlative degree, and should entitle them to the
veneration and grateful regards of the modern church.
How little do many readers of the Bible, nowadays, think
of what it cost the Christians of the second and third
centuries, merely to rescue and hide the sacred
treasures from the rage of the heathen (Taylor, Ancient
Christianity, I 37).
A most
beautiful and pathetic picture is given by the author of the
Epistola ad Diognetum in the early part of the second
century. He says:
The Christians are not distinguished from other men by
country, by language, nor by civil institutions. For
they neither dwell in cities by themselves, nor use a
peculiar tongue, nor lead a singular mode of life. They
dwell in the Grecian or barbarian cities, as the case
may be; they follow the usages of the country in dress,
food, and the other affairs of life. Yet they present a
wonderful and confessedly paradoxical conduct They dwell
in their own native lands, but as strangers. They take
part in all things, as citizens; and they suffer all
things, as foreigners. Every foreign country is a
fatherland to them, and every native land is a foreign.
They marry, like all others; they have children; but
they do not cast away their offsprings. They have the
table in common, but not wives. They are in the flesh,
but do not live after the flesh. They live upon the
earth, but are citizens of heaven. They obey the
existing laws, and excel the laws by their lives. They
love all, and are persecuted by all. They are unknown,
and yet they are condemned. They are killed and made
alive. They are poor and make many rich. They lack all
things, and in all things abound. They are reproached,
and glory in their reproaches. They are calumniated, and
are justified. They are cursed, and they bless. They
receive scorn, and they give honor. They do good, and
are punished as evil-doers. When punished, they rejoice,
as being made alive. By the Jews they are attacked as
aliens, and by the Greeks persecuted; and the cause of
the enmity their enemies cannot tell. In short, what the
soul is to the body, the Christians are in the world.
The soul is diffused through all the members of the
body, and the Christians are spread through the cities
of the world. The soul dwells in the body, but it is not
of the body; so the Christians dwell in the world, but
are not of the world. The soul, invisible, keeps
watch in the visible body; so also the Christians are
seen to live in the world, for their piety is invisible.
The flesh hates and wars against the soul; suffering no
wrong from it, but because it resists fleshly pleasures;
and the world hates the Christians with no reason, but
they resist its pleasures. The soul loves the flesh and
members, by which it is hated ; so the Christians
love their haters. The soul is enclosed in the body. but
holds the body together; so the Christians are detained
in the world as in a prison; but they contain the world.
Immortal, the soul dwells in the mortal body; so the
Christians dwell in the corruptible, but look for
incorruption in heaven. The soul is the better for
restriction in food and drink; and the Christians
increase, though daily punished. This lot God has
assigned to the Christians in the world; and it cannot
be taken from them (Epist. ad Diognetum, C. 5 and 6 p.69
sq. Otto. Lips., 1852).
Through all of this
period there were doubtless many churches that remained true to
the New Testament ideals. The more earnestly they adhered to
Scriptural principles the less likely was mention made of them.
It was the unusual and the heretical that attracted attention
and was recorded in the histories of the times.
For the first
three centuries the Lord placed Christianity in the most
unfavorable circumstances that it might display its
moral power, and gain its victory over the world by
spiritual weapons alone. Until the reign of Constantine
it had not even a legal existence in the Roman empire,
but was first ignored as a Jewish sect, then slandered,
proscribed, persecuted, as a treasonable innovation, and
the adoption of it made punishable with confiscation and
death. Besides, it offered not the slightest favor, as
Mohammedanism afterwards did, to the corrupt
inclinations of the heart, but against the current ideas
of the Jews and heathens it so presented its inexorable
demand of repentance and conversion, renunciation of
self and of the world, that more, according to
Tertullian, were kept out of the new sect by love of
pleasure, than by love of life. The Jewish origin of
Christianity also, and the poverty and obscurity of a
majority of its professors offended the pride of the
Greeks and Romans. (Schaff, History of the Christian
Church, 1.148).
In spite of these
extraordinary difficulties Christianity made progress. The
hindrances became helps in the providence of God. Persecution
led to martyrdom, and martyrdom had attractions. Tertullian
exclaimed to the heathen: "All of your ingenious cruelties can
accomplish nothing; they are only a lure to this sect. Our
number increases the more you destroy us. The blood of the
Christians is their seed." The moral earnestness of the
Christians contrasted powerfully with the prevailing corruption
of the age, and while it repelled the frivolous and voluptuous,
it could not fail to impress most strongly the deepest and
noblest minds. This progress extended to every part of the
empire. "We are a people of yesterday," says Tertullian, "and
yet we have filled every place belonging to you—cities, islands,
castles, towns, assemblies, your very camp, your tribes,
companies, palace, senate, forum. We leave you your temples
only. You can count your armies our number in a single province
will be greater."
Nevertheless, even
before the death of the last of the apostles many dangerous and
grievous heresies had sprung up in the Christian churches. A
constant tendency to separate from the truth, as proclaimed in
the Scriptures, was manifested in some places. The trend from
the Word of God has been noted by the apostle Paul, and in some
of his Epistles he combated error. Shortly after the death of
the last of the apostles some dangerous heresies crept into the
churches, and were advocated by many learned and distinguished
men.
It is not to be
understood that all, or even most of the doctrinal errors, which
are found in later Roman Catholic history are to be found in
this period. This is not the case. For example, the worship of
Mary and of images, transubstantiation, the infallibility of the
pope, and the immaculate conception are all of later date. The
tendency was rather to lessen the demand for repentance and
faith, the experimental in religion, and rather to emphasize
external signs and symbols. It was imagined that the outward
symbol could take the place of the inward grace. The point of
departure probably had its largest expression in baptismal
salvation, and the tendency of some churches toward episcopacy,
and away from democratic simplicity.
One of the very earliest
voices lifted against the abuses was that of the Shepherd of
Hermas. The Shepherd says:
Customs have
become worldly; discipline is relaxed; the Church is a
sickly old woman, incapable of standing on her feet;
rulers and ruled are all languishing, and many among
them are corrupt, covetous, greedy, hypocritical,
contentious, slanderers, blasphemers, libertines, spies,
renegades, schismatics. Worthy teachers are not wanting,
but there are also many false prophets, vain, eager
after the first sees, for whom the greatest thing in
life is not the practice of piety and justice, but the
strife for the post of command. Now the day of wrath is
at hand; the punishment will be dreadful; the Lord will
give unto every one according to his works.
One of the earliest and
most hurtful errors was the dogma of baptismal regeneration.
This error in one form or another has marred the life and
colored the history of all of the Christian ages. It began early
and the virus may be traced to this day not only among
ritualists, but likewise in the standards of evangelical
Christians. Tertullian was influenced by it to oppose infant
baptism, and under other conditions it became the frightful
origin of that heresy.
Nevertheless, the
churches continued to be free and independent. There were as yet
no metropolitan bishops, and the office and authority of a pope
was not yet known. Rome in those days had no great authority in
the Christian world. "The see of Rome," remarks Cardinal Newman,
"possessed no great mind in the whole period of persecution.
Afterwards for a long time it had not a single doctor to show.
The great luminary of the Western World is St. Augustine; he, no
infallible teacher, has formed the intellect of Europe" (John
Henry Newman, Apologia pro Vita sua, 4()7. London, 1864). Dean
Stanley rightly adds: "There have been occupants of the sees of
Constantinople. Alexandria, and Canterbury who have produced
more effect on the mind of Christendom by their utterances than
any of the popes" (Stanley, Christian Institutions, 241. New
York, 1881).
There was, however, a
constant tendency towards centralization. As the pastor assumed
rights which were not granted to him by the Scriptures, some of
the metropolitan pastors exercised an undue authority over some
of the smaller churches. Then the churches in some of the cities
sought the patronage and protection of the pastors of the larger
cities. Finally Rome, the political center of the world, became
the religious center as well. In time the pastor in Rome became
the, universal pope. All of this was of slow growth and required
centuries for its consummation.
Gregory the Great (A. D.
590-694) was "the first of the proper popes" and with him begins
"the development of the absolute papacy" (Schaff, History of the
Christian Church, I. 15). The growth of the papacy was a process
of history. Long before this the bishops of Rome had made
arrogant claims over other churches. Notably was this true of
Leo I., A. D. 440-461. All of this is conceded by Hefele. He
says:
It is, however,
not to he mistaken, that the bishops of Rome did not,
everywhere, in all the West, exercise full patriarchal
rights; that, to-wit, in several provinces, simple
bishops were ordained without his cooperation (Hefele,
I. 385).
The line of the absolute
Mediaeval popes began with Gregory.
"Christianity in Rome,"
says Gregorovius, "became in a very short time corrupt; and this
is not to be wondered at, because the ground in which the seed
of its doctrine had been sown was rotten and the least apt of
all other grounds to bring forth good fruit. . . The Roman
character had not been changed from what it was of old, because
baptism cannot change the spirit of the times" (Gregorovius,
Storia della citta di Roma nel Medio Eve, I.155).
Gregory objected to the
title "universal bishop." "I do not esteem that an honor," he
declares, "by which my brethren lose their honor. My honor is
the solid strength of my brethren.. . . But no more of this:
away with words which inflate pride and wound charity" (Gregory,
Ep. 30.III. 933). Nevertheless, the conception of a local,
independent church, by these and other means was partly
overthrown; and much of the Christian world was called upon to
suffer at the hands of a wicked and often ungodly hierarchy.
Believers’ baptism
continued to prevail in the churches. Notwithstanding the
efficacy which was supposed to exist in baptism, infant baptism
was of slow growth. Even after its first appearance it was
opposed by many, and for a long time was not generally
practiced.
The writers known as the
Apostolic Fathers, Clement, Barnabas, Ignatius and the Pastor of
Hermas, all required faith on the part of the candidate
baptized. Clement does not mention baptism in his Epistle to the
Corinthians; but he does exhort parents to "let your children be
partakers of the Christian training" (Migne, Patrologiae gr., I.
255).
Barnabas
says: "Mark how he has described at once both the water and the
cross. For these words imply, blessed are they who, placing
their trust in the cross, have gone down into the water;
for, says he, they shall receive their reward in due time"
(Migne, Patrologiae gr., II. 755).
Ignatius writes to
Polycarp as follows: "let your baptism be to you an armor, and
faith as a spear, and love as a helmet, and patience as a
panoply" (Ibid, V. 847). The order of baptism as well as the
exhortation exclude infant baptism.
And the Shepherd of
Hermas speaks of those who "have heard the word, and wished to
be baptized in the name of the Lord" (Ibid, Patrologiae gr.,
11.906).
The Apostolic Fathers
require that faith shall precede baptism and hence they know
nothing of infant baptism.. Dr. Charles W. Bennett, Professor of
Historical Theology in Garrett Biblical Institute, Methodist,
says: "The Apostolic Fathers contain no positive information
relative to the practice of the church of their time respecting
infant baptism" (Bennett, Christian Archaeology, 391. New York,
1889).
Passing to the second
generation of the Fathers, Justin Martyr, A. D. 114-168, has
sometimes been quoted as favoring the practice of infant
baptism. After relating the evils of human nature and the bad
habits of men, Justin declares that,
in order that we
may not remain the children of necessity and ignorance,
but may become the children of choice and of knowledge,
and may obtain in water the remission of sins formerly
committed, there is pronounced over him who chooses to
be born again, and has repented of his sins, Its name of
God the Father and Lord of the universe; he who leads to
the laver the person that is to be washed calling him by
name alone (Migne, VI.419).
It is now quite
generally admitted that Justin knows only the baptism of adults,
though he believed in baptismal regeneration.
The celebrated passage
from Irenaeus is as follows:
For he came to
save all through means of himself, all I say, who
through him are born again to God—infants, thus
sanctifying infants; a child, for children; thus
sanctifying those who are of this age, being at the same
time made to them an example of youths, and thus
sanctifying them to the Lord (Migne, VII. 783).
This passage is probably
spurious. There is no proof, however, that it refers to baptism
at all. Dr. Karl R. Hagenbach, for fifty years professor in the
University of Basel, says that this passage does not "afford any
decisive proof. It only expresses the beautiful idea that Jesus
was Redeemer in every stage of life; but it does not say that he
redeemed children by the water of baptism" (Hagenbach, History
of Doctrines, 200. New York, 1869).
Origen, A. D. 185-254,
is quoted in favor of infant baptism. His words are:
To these considerations it can be added, that it may be
enquired why, since the baptism of the church is
given for the remission of sins, baptism is given
according to the observance of the church. Even to
children (parvulis) for the grace of baptism
would seem superfluous if there was nothing in children
requiring remission and indulgence (Migne, XII. 492)
The same sentiment is
found in his commentary on Romans.
The original Greek of
Origen no longer exists, and there remain of the words of Origen
only translations by Rufinus and Jerome in Latin. These
translations are notoriously unreliable, and it is admitted that
the ideas of a later age are freely incorporated in the writings
of Origen. The children mentioned are not "infants," for in the
same work this word is used to describe Jesus at the age of
twelve (Migne, XIII. 1849).All that can be claimed is that
Origen refers to the baptism of children, not infants, as an
apostolic tradition. This is not of much weight, when it is
recalled that Origen refers to a number of things as of
apostolic tradition which are not even mentioned in the
Scriptures.
The earliest clear
evidence of infant baptism is found in Tertullian who opposed it
(A. D. 185). The first direct evidence in favor of it is found
in the writings of Cyprian, in the Council of Carthage, in
Africa, A. D. 253. In writing to one Fidus, Cyprian takes the
ground that infants should be baptized as soon as they are born
(Epistle of Cyprian, LVIII. 2). This opinion, however, was not
based upon the Scriptures, and did not meet with the approval of
the Christian world.
The early councils of
the church were all against infant baptism. The Council of
Elvira or Grenada, A. D. 305, required the delay of baptism for
two years (Hefele, History of the Councils, 1.155. Edinburgh,
1871). The Council of Laodicaea held A. D. 360, demanded that
those who are "to be baptized must learn the creed by heart and
recite it" (Hefele, II.319). The Council of Constantinople
decreed that persons should "remain a long time under Scriptural
instruction before they receive baptism" (Ibid, II.368). And the
Council of Carthage, A. D. 398, decreed that "catechumens shall
give their names, and be prepared for baptism" (DuPin,
Bibliotheque universelle, c. 4.282).
Many of the most
prominent Christians, though born of Christian parents, were not
baptized in infancy. The number of such persons is so great, and
the details are so many, that mention can he made of only a few
of them. The list would include the celebrated historian
Eusebius, the emperor Constantine the Great, Fphrem Syrus, and
the great Augustine.
Basil the Great was born
in the year 329, in a wealthy and pious family, whose ancestors
had distinguished themselves as martyrs. His mother and
grandmother were Christians and four brothers and five sisters
were well-known Christians. He was baptized when he was
twenty-six years of age. In a remarkable passage, A. D. 380, he
plainly indicates the drift of the times. He says:
Do you demur and loiter and put off baptism? When you
have been from a child catechized in the Word, and you
are not yet acquainted with the truth? Having been
always learning it, are you not yet come to the
knowledge of it? A seeker all your life long. A
considerer till you are old. When will you make a
Christian? When shall we see you as one of us? Last year
you were staying till this year; and now you have a mind
to stay till next. Take heed, that by promising yourself
a longer life, you do not quite miss of your hope. Do
you not know what changes tomorrow may bring? (Migne,
XXXI. 1514).
All of this demonstrates
that the early Christians continued to baptize upon a profession
of faith; and that infant baptism had gained no permanent
foothold till ages after the days of the apostles.
Infant baptism was not
of rapid growth. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo-Regius, North Africa
(A. D. 353-430) was not the first to practice it; but he was,
though not himself baptized in infancy, its first and ablest
defender. He developed the theological argument in its favor.
The Council of Mela, in Numidia, A. D. 416, composed of fifteen
persons, and presided over by Augustine, decreed:
Also, it is the
pleasure of the bishops in order that whoever denies
that infants newly born of their mothers, are to be
baptized or says that baptism is administered for the
remission of their own sins, but not on account of
original sin, delivered from Adam, and to be expiated by
the laver of regeneration, be accursed (Wall, The
History of Infant Baptism, I. 265).
It is a suggestive fact
prophetic of the future that the first council favoring the
practice of infant baptism also accompanied this by a curse
against those who dissented from the opinions of the council. It
furthermore shows there were opponents of infant baptism in
those days, and that the infant rite was not the universal
custom of those times.
The first rule, to which
reference is made as favoring infant baptism in Europe, was by
the Spanish Council of Gerunda, A. D. 517. The Council was
composed of seven men who subscribed to ten rules. The canon
covering the point at issue here is Article V.:
But concerning
little sons lately born, it pleaseth us to appoint, that
if, as is usual, they be infirm, and do not suck their
mother’s milk, even on the same day in which they are
born (if they be offered, if they be brought) they may
he baptized.
The rule was that
ordinarily catechetical instruction should precede baptism. In
the case of infants who were sick, because of the fear that they
would be lost in case of death without baptism, they were to be
baptized in infancy. No provision was made for the baptism of
infants who were in good health. It has also been seriously
doubted whether this Council was ever held.
Charlemagne, A. D. 789,
issued the first law in Europe for baptizing infants. He was
engaged in a stubborn war with the Saxons, but their brave
general Windekind, always found resources to defeat his designs.
In the end his imperial majesty hit upon a method, which
disheartened Windekind, by detaching his people from him, and
which completely made an end of the war. This was by reducing
the whole nation by a dreadful alternative; either of being
assassinated by the troops, or of accepting life on the
condition of professing themselves Christians by being baptized;
and the severe laws still stand in the capitularies of this
monarch, by which they were obliged, "on pain of death, to
baptize themselves, and of heavy fines to baptize their children
within the year of their birth."
That this is a correct
interpretation of the attitude of the early churches there is
not the shadow of a doubt. All historians confirm, this
contention. A few high authorities are here quoted.
Dr. Adolph Harnack, of
the University of Berlin, says of the post-apostolic period:
There is no sure
trace of infant baptism in the epoch; personal faith is
a necessary condition (Harnack, History of Dogma, I. 20
note 2).
He further says:
Complete obscurity prevails as to the Church’s adoption
of the practice of child-baptism, which, though it owes
its origin to the idea of this ceremony being
indispensable to salvation, is nevertheless a proof that
the superstitious view of baptism had increased. In the
time of Irenseus (II. 22, 4), and Tertullian (de bapt.
18), child-baptism had already become very general and
was founded on Matthew 19: 14. We have no testimony
regarding it from earlier times (Ibid, II. 142).
And finally he says that
it
was established
in the fifth century as the general usage. Its complete
adoption runs parallel with the death of heathenism
(Ibid, IV. 284).
Professor H. G. Wood, of
the University of Cambridge, says:
We are, as
Harnack says. "in complete obscurity as to the Church’s
adoption of the practice." The clear third century
references to child-baptism interpret it in the lignt of
original sin, and if the adoption of the practice is due
to this interpretation, it is almost certainly a late
second century development . . . References to original
sin in Clement of Rome or other writers earlier than
Cyprian cannot be held to imply a knowledge of the
custom of infant baptism. Moreover, the idea that
infants needed to be baptized for the remission of sin.
is contrary to all that is known of early Christian
feeling toward childhood. . . . Even in the third
century infant baptism cannot he described as a Church
custom. That the Church allowed parents to bring their
infants to be baptized is obvious; that some teachers
and bishops may have encouraged them to do so is
probable, though there is no reason to suppose that
Tertullian’s position was peculiarly his own. But infant
baptism was not at this time enjoined, or incorporated
in the standing orders of the Church (Encyclopedia of
Religion and Ethics, II.).
Dr. F. C. Conybeare says
that "the essential thing was that a man should come to baptism
of his own free will." He further says:
On such grounds was justified the transition of a
baptism which began as a spontaneous act of
self-consecration into an opus operandum.
How long after this it was before infant baptism became
normal inside the Byzantine church we do not know
exactly. . . . The change came more quickly in Latin
than in Greek Christendom, and very slowly indeed in the
Armenian and the Georgian churches (Encyclopedia
Britannica, 11th edition, Article on Baptism).
Andre Lagarde says:
Until the sixth
century, infants were baptized only when they were in
danger of death. About this time the practice was
introduced of administering baptism even when they were
not ill (Lagarde, Latin Church in the Middle Ages, 37).
These facts are
altogether against the idea that infant baptism was the practice
of the ancient churches. In its introduction it met with the
greatest opposition, and it was only under the anathema and by
the point of the sword that infant baptism was pressed upon the
unwilling Christians; and the same intolerance has followed its
history to the present time.
Of the form of baptism
practiced in the ancient churches there is not a particle of
doubt. It is certain that immersion was the universal rule, save
in the case of a few sick persons.
There are six elaborate
descriptions or rituals of baptism which have come down to us.
They were all well known in the churches and all of them
prescribe immersion.. They are the so-called Egyptian Acts
(Gebhardt and Harnack, Texts and Researches, VI. c 4 (28)); the
Canon Hipolyte, the third century (Hipolyte, Bk. VII. (29)); the
Apostolic Constitutions or Canons, in the Greek, the Coptic, and
the Latin versions, A. D. 350-400; Cyril of Jerusalem, A, D. 286
(Migne XXXIII. 48); Ambrose of Milan, A. D. 397 (Bunsen,
Analecta, II. 465), and Dionysius Areopagita, A. D. 450. These
rituals were largely used in the churches and represent the
universal practice of immersion.
Of this
practice of immersion there is proof in Africa, in Palestine, in
Egypt, in Antioch and Constantinople and in Cappadocia. For the
Roman use of immemion we have the testimony of eight hundred
years. Tertullian bears witness for the second century
(Tertullian, De Bapt., c. 4); Leo the Great in the fifth
century (Fourth letter to the Bishop of Sicily); Pope Pelagius
in the sixth century (Epist. ad Gaudent); Theodulf of Orleans in
the eighth century; and in the eleventh century the Romans
dipped the subject "only once" (Canisius, Lectiones Antiq., III
281). These examples settle the use of the Italians.
There is also the
testimony of the early Christian monuments. At first the
Christians baptized in rivers and fountains. This, says Walafrid
Strabo, was done with great simplicity (Migne, CXIV, 958).
Later, on account of persecutions, the Christians hid
themselves; and the Catacombs furnished many examples of
baptisteries. Dr. Cote, who lived many years in Rome, and
closely studied the baptismal question, says: "During the dark
days of imperial persecutions the primitive Christians of Rome
found a ready refuge in the Catacombs, where they constructed
baptisteries for the administration of the rite of immersion"
(Cote, Archaeology of Baptism, 151. London, 1876). Even a brief
description of these baptisteries cannot be given here, but one
who has not studied the subject carefully will be surprised at
their number and extent.
Afterwards when more
liberty of worship was granted to the Christians many churches
were erected. At first the baptistery was an independent
structure, separate from the place of worship; but later it
became the custom to place the baptistery in the church house
itself. Such baptisteries were erected in almost every country
where the Christian religion had spread. This was particularly
true in Italy. Cote gives a list of not less than sixty-six
baptisteries in that country alone (Cote, Baptisteries, 110). As
late as the eighth and ninth centuries baptisteries continued to
be in full use in Italy. Baptisteries were erected in Italy as
late as the fourteenth century, while immersion continued in the
Cathedral of Milan till the close of the eighteenth century.
These baptisteries were
decorated and naturally many of the emblems, mosaics and
paintings were intended to illuminate the form of baptism. The
so-called Christian Art was found in the Catacombe, on the
interior of churches and on church furniture and utensils. The
oldest pictures do not date before the time of the Emperor
Constantine (Parker, The Archeology of Rome, XII. 11. Oxford,
1877); many of them have been constantly repaired, and some of
the most famous ones have been so changed that they have lost
their original character (Crowe and Cavalcaselle, History of
Painting in Italy, I. 22).
No certain conclusions
can be drawn from this source, but the teaching of all early art
indicates immersion as the form of baptism. The pictures
represent river scenes, the candidate stands in the water, and
every circumstance points toward the primitive act of baptism.
The unanimous opinion of the professors of archaeology in the
great universities is that the ancient pictures, in the
Catacombs and elsewhere, of baptism, represent the rite as
administered by immersion (See Christian’s Baptism in Sculpture
and Art. Louisville, 1907).
Affusion for baptism was
of slow growth. Possibly the earliest mention of affusion is
found in the famous Teaching of the Twelve Apostles (Bryennios,
Didacha ton Dodeka Apostolon. Constantinople, 1883), which is
variously claimed to be a production of the first to the seventh
century.
Novatian
(A. D. 250) presents the first case of clinic baptism on record.
He had water profusely poured upon him while sick in bed, but
his baptism is distinctly called "an abridgment" or "compend"
(Eusebius, The Church History, 289. New York, 1890). Affusion is
a mere substitute for immersion. France was the first country
where affusion was permitted to persons in the full enjoyment of
health (Wall, The History of Infant Baptism, I. 576). The
first law for sprinkling was obtained in the following manner:
"Pope Stephen III., being driven from Rome by Astulphus, King of
the Lombards, in 753, fled to Pepin, who, a short time before,
had usurped the crown of France. Whilst he remained there, the
monks of Cressy, in Brittany, consulted him, whether, in cases
of necessity, baptism, performed by pouring water on the head of
the infant, would be lawful. Stephen replied that it would"
(Edinburgh Encyclopedia, III. 236). It was not, however, till
A.D. 1311, that the Council of Ravenna decrecd: "Baptism is to
be administered by trine aspersion or immersion" (Labbe and
Cosasart, Sacrosancta Concilia, II. B. 2.1586. Paris, 1671).
Soon after this sprinkling became customary in France.
For the first thirteen
centuries immersion was the normal practice of the Christian
world. "Baptism by immersion says Dollinger, "continued to be
the prevailing practice of the Church as late as the fourteenth
century" (Dollinger, The History of the Church, II. 294. London,
1840-42). Immersion was practiced in some parts of Germany in
the sixteenth century. In England immersion was the practice for
sixteen hundred years.
At the time of the birth
of Jesus religious liberty was unknown in the world. Even the
ancient republics never recognized it. Socrates, with all of his
moral heroism, never arose above the assumption, that impiety
should be punished with death. In his defense before his judges
he says:
My duty is to
persuade you, if I can; but you have sworn to follow
your own convictions in judging according to the law—not
to make the laws bend to your partiality. And it is your
duty so to do. Do not, therefore, require of me
proceedings dishonorable in reference to myself and
impious in regard to you, especially at a time when I am
myself rebutting an accusation of impiety advanced by
Miletus (Grote, History of Greece, VIII. 656)
It was fully agreed by
all Pagan nations that the state had a right to regulate all
matters connected with religion; and the citizen was bound to
obey.
Early did the Christians
avow and amplify religious liberty. The blood of persecution
brought to the front this doctrine. Tertullian boldly tells the
heathen that everybody has a natural and inalienable right to
worship God according to his own conscience. His words are:
However,
it is a fundamental human right. a privilege of nature, that
every man should worship according to his own convictions; one
man’s religion neither harms nor helps another man. It is.
assuredly no part of religion to compel religion—to which
freewill and not force should lead us—the sacrificial victims
even being required of a willing mind. You will render no real
service to your gods by compelling us to sacrifice. For they can
have no desire of offerings from the unwilling, unless they are
animated by a spirit of contention, which is a thing altogether
undivine (Tertullian, ad Scapulam9 c. 2).
Justin Martyr affirmed
similar opinions (Apol. I. C. 2. 4, 12), and later Lactantius
says:
Religion cannot
be imposed by force; the matter must be carried on by
words rather than by blows, that the will may be
affected. Torture and piety are widely different; nor is
it possible for truth to be united with violence, or
justice with cruelty. Nothing is so much a matter of
free will as religion (Lactantius, Instit. div. V. 20).
Dr. Baur, commenting on
these statements, says:
It is remarkable
how already the oldest Christian Apologists, in
vindicating the Christian faith, were led to assert the
Protestant principle of freedom of faith and conscience
as an inherent attribute of the conception of religion
against their heathen opponents (Baur, Gesch der
Christl. Kirche, I. 428).
Hase says:
Thus did the
church prove, in a time of unlimited arbitrary power,
the refuge of popular freedom, and saints assumed the
part of tribunes of the people (Hase, Church History,
sec. 117, p. 161, 7th edition).
This is hardly a
Protestant doctrinal tenet, but it does belong to the Baptists.
Protestants have been all too ready to persecute.
When Constantine, after
the victory of Milvian Bridge, on the Tiber, October 27, 312,
became emperor he issued a decree of toleration. The famous
edict of Milan was issued by Constantine and Licinius. It is of
so much importance that the law is here transcribed in full. It
is as follows:
Perceiving long
ago that religious liberty ought not to be denied, but
that it ought to be granted to the judgment and desire
of each individual to perform his religious duties
according to his own choice, we had given orders that
every man, Christians as well as others, should preserve
the faith of his own sect and religion. But since in
this rescript, in which much liberty was granted them,
many and various conditions seemed clearly added, some
of them, it may be, after a little retired from such
observance. When I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinna
Augustua, came under favorable auspices to Milan and
took under consideration everything which pertained to
the common weal and prosperity, we resoled among other
things, or rather first of all, to make such decrees as
seemed in many respects for the benefit of every one;
namely, such as should preserve reverence and piety
toward the deity. We resolved, that is, to grant both to
the Christians and to all men freedom to follow the
religion which they choose, that whatever heavenly
divinity exists may be propitious to us and to all that
live under our government. We have, therefore,
determined, with sound and upright purpose, that liberty
is to be denied to no one, to choose and to follow the
religious observance of the Christians, but that to each
one freedom is to be given to devote his mind to that
religion which he may think adapted to himself, in order
that the Deity may exhibit to us in all things his
accustomed care and favor. It was fitting that we should
write that this is our pleasure, that those conditions
being entirely left out which were contained in our
former letter concerning the Christians which was sent
to your devotedness, everything that seemed very severe
and foreign to our mildness may be annulled, and that
now every one who has the same desire to observe the
religion of the Christians may do so without
molestation. We have resolved to communicate this most
fully to thy care, in order that thou mayest know that
we have granted to these same Christians freedom and
full liberty to observe their own religion. Since this
has been granted freely to them, thy devotedness
perceives that liberty is granted to others also who may
wish to follow their own religious observances; it being
clearly in accordance with the tranquillity of our
times, that each one should have the liberty of choosing
and worshipping whatever deity he pleases. This has been
done by us in order that we might not seem in any way to
discriminate against any rank of religion. And we decree
still further in regard to the Christians, that their
places, in which they were formerly accustomed to
assemble, and concerning which in the former letter sent
to thy devotedness a different command was given, if it
appear that any have bought them either from our
treasury or from any other person, shall be restored to
the said Christians, without demanding money or any
other equivalent, with no delay or hesitation. If any
happen to have received the said places as a gift, they
shall restore them as quickly as possible to these same
Christians; with the understanding that if those who
have bought these places, or those who have received
them, demand anything from our bounty, they may go to
the judge of the district, that provision may be made
for them by our clemency. All these things are to be
granted to the society of Christians by your care
immediately and without any delay. And since the said
Christians are known to have possessed not only these
places in which they were accustomed to assemble, but
also other places, belonging not to individuals among
them, but to the society as a whole, that is, to the
society of Christians, you will command that all of
these, in virtue of the law which we have above stated,
be restored, without any hesitation, to these same
Christians; that is, to their society and congregation;
the above mentioned provision being of course observed,
that those who restore them without price, as we have
before said, may expect indemnification from our bounty.
In all these things, for the behoof of the aforesaid
society of Christians, you are to use the utmost
diligence, to the end that our command may be speedily
fulfilled, and that in this also, by our clemency,
provision may be made for the common and public
tranquillity. For by this means, as we have said before,
the divine favor toward us which we have already
experienced in many matters will continue sure through
all time. And that the terms of this gracious ordinance
may be known to all, it is expected that this which we
have written will be published everywhere by you and
brought to the knowledge of all, in order that this
gracious ordinance of ours may remain unknown to no one
(Eusebius. The Church History, X. 5).
Of this decree Mason
says:
It is the very
first announcement of that doctrine which is now
regarded as the mark and principle of civilization, the
foundation of solid liberty, the characteristic of
modern politics. In vigorous and trenchant sentences it
sets forth perfect freedom of conscience, the unfettered
choice of religion (Mason, Persecution of Dioclesian,
327).
A forced religion is no
religion at all. Unfortunately, the successors of Constantine
from the time of Theodosius the Great (385-395) enforced the
Christian religion to the exclusion of every other; and not only
so, but they enforced so-called orthodoxy to the exclusion of
every form of dissent, which was punished as a crime against the
State. Absolute freedom of religion and of worship is a fact
logically impossible on the church-state system. The government
of the Roman empire was too absolute to abandon supervision of
religion, so that the edict of Constantine was only temporary.
Further, the rising power of episcopacy fitted into the
monarchial system. Many of the bishops and monks were "men in
black clothes, as voracious as elephants, and insatiably
thirsty, but concealing their sensuality tinder an artificial
paleness."
The first blood of
heretics shed by a Christian prince was by Maximus, A. D. 385,
in the Spanish city of Treves. This act was approved by the
bishops, with a single exception, but the Christian churches
recoiled from it with horror.
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